[36,0] The Thirty-sixth, or Borysthenitic Discourse  
which Dio delivered in his Native Land. 
1 I happened to be visiting in Borysthenes during the summer, for I had sailed there 
then,  after my exile, with the purpose of making my way, if possible, through Scythia 
to the Getan country, in order to observe conditions there. Well, one day toward noon 
I was strolling along the Hypanis. I should explain that, although the city has taken 
its name from the Borysthenes because of the beauty and the size of that river, the 
actual position, not only of the present city, but also of its predecessor, is on the bank 
of the Hypanis, not far above what is called Cape Hippolaόs,  on the opposite shore. 
2 This part of the land, near where the two rivers meet, is as sharp and firm as the 
beak of a ship. But from there on these rivers form a marshy lake down to the sea for 
a distance of approximately two hundred stades; and the breadth of the two rivers in 
that district is not less than that. The fact is that most of that stretch (p423) consists of 
shoals, and in fair weather unruffled calm prevails as in a swamp. But on the right 
there are signs of a river, and sailors inward bound judge its depth by the current.  
And this explains why the water does make its way out to sea, because of the strength 
of the current; but for that it would easily be held in check when the south wind blows 
strongly dead against it. 3 As for the rest, we have only muddy shore overgrown with 
reeds and trees. And many of the trees are to be seen even in the midst of the marsh, 
so as to resemble masts of ships; and at times some who were less familiar with those 
waters have lost their way, supposing that they were approaching ships. And it is here 
also that we find the vast number of salt-works from which most of the barbarians 
buy their salt,  as do also those Greeks and Scythians who occupy the Tauric 
Chersonese.  The rivers empty into the sea near the Castle of Alector,  which is said to 
belong to the wife of the Sauromatian  king. 
4 The city of Borysthenes, as to its size, does not correspond to its ancient fame, 
because of its ever-repeated seizure and its wars. For since the city has lain in the 
midst of barbarians now for so long a time — barbarians, too, who are virtually the 
most warlike of all — it is always in a state of war and has often been captured, the 
last and most disastrous capture occurring not more than one hundred and (p425) fifty 
years ago. And the Getae on that occasion seized not only Borysthenes but also the 
other cities along the left shore of Pontus as far as Apollonia.  5 For that reason the 
fortunes of the Greeks in that region reached a very low ebb indeed, some of them 
being no longer united to form cities, while others enjoyed but a wretched existence 
as communities, and it was mostly barbarians who flocked to them. Indeed many 
cities have been captured in many parts of Greece, inasmuch as Greece lies scattered 
in many regions. But after Borysthenes had been taken on the occasion mentioned, 
its people once more formed a community, with the consent of the Scythians,  
I imagine, because of their need for traffic with the Greeks who might use that port. 
For the Greeks had stopped sailing to Borysthenes when the city was laid waste, 
inasmuch as they had no people of common speech to receive them, and the 
Scythians themselves had neither the ambition nor the knowledge to equip a 
trading-centre of their own after the Greek manner. 
6 Evidence of the destruction of Borysthenes is visible both in the sorry nature of its 
buildings and in the contraction of the city within narrow bounds. For it has been 
built adjacent to one section of the ancient circuit-wall where a few towers, but only a 
few, yet remain, not at all in keeping with the original size or power of the city. The 
intervening space in that quarter has been blocked off by means (p427) of the houses, 
built so as to form a continuous whole.  However, a bit of wall has been constructed 
parallel to this line of houses, quite low and weak. As for the towers, there are some 
which stand quite apart from the portion of the city that is now inhabited, so that you 
would not surmise that they once belonged to a single city. These, then, are clear 
tokens of the city's capture, as well as the fact that not a single statue remains 
undamaged among those that are in the sanctuaries, one and all having suffered 
mutilation, as is true also of the funeral monuments. 
7 Well, as I was saying,  I chanced to be strolling outside the city, and there came to 
meet me from within the walls some of the people of Borysthenes, as was their 
custom. Thereupon Callistratus at first came riding by us on horseback on his way 
from somewhere outside of town, but when he had gone a short distance beyond us, 
he dismounted, and, entrusting his horse to his attendant, he himself drew near in 
very proper fashion, having drawn his arm beneath his mantle.  Suspended from his 
girdle he had a great cavalry sabre, and he was wearing trousers  and all the rest of 
the Scythian costume, and from his shoulders there hung a small black cape of thin 
material, as is usual with the people of Borysthenes. In fact the rest of their apparel in 
general is regularly black, through the influence of a (p429) certain tribe of Scythians,  
the Blackcloaks, so named by the Greeks doubtless for that very reason. 
8 Callistratus was about eighteen years of age, very tall and handsome, having much 
of the Ionian in his appearance. And it was said also that in matters pertaining to 
warfare he was a man of courage, and that many of the Sauromatians he had either 
slain or taken captive. He had become interested also in oratory and philosophy, so 
that he had his heart set on sailing away in my company. For all these reasons, then, 
he was in high repute with his fellow-townsmen, and not least of all because of his 
beauty, and he had many lovers. For this practice has continued among them as a 
heritage from the city of their origin  — I refer to the love of man for man — so much 
so that they are likely to make converts of some of the barbarians, for no good end, 
I dare say, but rather as those people would adopt such a practice, that is to say, like 
barbarians and not without licentiousness. 
9 Knowing, then, that Callistratus was fond of Homer, I immediately began to 
question him about the poet. And practically all the people of Borysthenes also have 
cultivated an interest in Homer, possibly because of their still being a warlike people, 
although it may also be due to their regard for Achilles, for they honour him 
exceedingly, and they have actually established two temples for his worship, one on 
the island that bears his name  and one in their city; and so they do not wish even to 
hear about any other poet than Homer. And although in (p431) general they no longer 
speak Greek distinctly, because they live in the midst of barbarians, still almost all at 
least know the Iliad by heart. 

[36,10] Accordingly I said to him by way of jest, "Callistratus, which do you think is the 
better poet, Homer or Phocylides?"  And he laughed and said, "Why, as for myself, 
I do not even know the other poet's name, and I suppose that none of these men does, 
either. For we do not believe in any other poet than Homer. But as for Homer, you 
might say that no man alive is ignorant of him. For Homer is the only one whom their 
poets recall in their compositions,  and it is their habit to recite his verses on many 
an occasion, but invariably they employ his poetry to inspire their troops when about 
to enter battle, just as the songs of Tyrtaeus  used to be employed in Lacedaemon. 
Moreover, all these poets are blind, and they do not believe it possible for any one to 
become a poet otherwise." 
11 "That at any rate," said I, "their poets caught from Homer,  as it were from a case of 
sore eyes. But as for Phocylides, while your people do not know him, as you state, for 
all that he is certainly rated among the famous poets. Therefore, just as, when a 
merchant sails into your port who has never been there before, you do not 
immediately scorn him but, on the contrary, having first tasted his wine and sampled 
any other merchandise in his cargo, you (p433) buy it if it suits your taste, otherwise you pass it by; just so," said I, "with the poetry of Phocylides you may take a sample of 
small compass. 12 For he is not one of those who string together a long and 
continuous poem as your Homer does, who uses more than five thousand verses of 
continuous narration in describing a single battle;  on the contrary, the poems of 
Phocylides have both beginning and end in two or three verses. And so he adds his 
name to each sentiment, in the belief that it is a matter of interest and great 
importance, in so doing behaving quite differently from Homer, who nowhere in his 
poetry names himself. 13 Or don't you think Phocylides had good reason for attaching 
his name to a maxim and declaration such as this? 
"This too the saying of Phocylides: 
The law-abiding town, though small and set 
On a lofty rock, outranks mad Nineveh". 
Why, in comparison with the entire Iliad and Odyssey are not these verses noble to 
those who pay heed as they listen? Or was it more to your advantage to hear of the 
impetuous leaping and charging of Achilles, and about his voice, how by his shouts 
alone he routed the Trojans?  Are those things more useful for you to learn by heart 
than what you just have heard, that a small city on a rugged headland is better and 
more fortunate, if orderly, than a great city in a smooth and level plain, that is to say, 
if that city is conducted in disorderly and lawless fashion by men of folly?' 
(p435) 14 And Callistratus, receiving my remarks with no great pleasure, replied, "My 
friend, we admire and respect you greatly; for otherwise no man in Borysthenes 
would have tolerated your saying such things of Homer and Achilles. For Achilles is 
our god, as you observe, and Homer ranks almost next to the gods in honour." And 
I in turn, wishing to appease him and at the same time to guide him in the direction 
of his own advantage, said, "I beg you to forgive me, to use the Homeric phrase, 
'if aught of harm hath now been spoken.' 
For some other time we shall praise both Achilles and Homer in so far as the poet 
seems to us to speak correctly. 15 But now we might well consider the case of 
Phocylides, since in my opinion he speaks very nobly regarding the city." "Pray do 
so," said he, "since you can see that all these men now present are just as eager as 
I am to listen to you, and that for that very reason they have streamed together here 
beside the river, although in no very tranquil state of mind. For of course you know 
that yesterday the Scythians made a raid at noon and put to death some of the 
outposts who were not on their guard, and in all likelihood took others captive; for we 
do not yet know definitely about that, because their rout took them some distance 
away; for their flight was not toward the city." 
16 And in truth it was precisely as he had said, and not only were the city gates fast 
shut but also there had been hoisted on the ramparts the standard that betokens war. 
Yet they were such ardent listeners, (p437) so truly Greek in character, that almost all 
the inhabitants were present, under arms, eager to hear me. And I, admiring their 
earnestness, said, "If it please you, shall we go and sit down somewhere in the city? 
For perchance at present not all can hear equally well what is said as we stroll; on the 
contrary, those in the rear find it difficult themselves and also make it difficult for 
those ahead through their eagerness to get closer." 17 And no sooner had I made this 
suggestion than they all set out together for the temple of Zeus, where they are wont 
to meet in council. And while the eldest and the most distinguished and the officials 
sat on benches in a circle, the rest of the company stood close by, for there was a large 
open space before the temple. A philosopher would have been vastly pleased at the 
sight, because all were like the ancient Greeks described by Homer, long-haired and 
with flowing beards,  and only one among them was shaven, and he was subjected to 
the ridicule and resentment of them all. And it was said that he practised shaving, not 
as an idle fancy, but out of flattery of the Romans and to show his friendship toward 
them. And so one could have seen illustrated in his case how disgraceful the practice 
is and how unseemly for real men. 
18 But when quiet had been secured, I said that in my opinion they did well, seeing 
that they dwelt in a city that was ancient and Greek, in wishing to hear about a city. 
"And," said I, "surely the first essential is that we should know precisely the true 
nature of the thing about which we are to speak; (p439) for in that way you would at the 
same time have perceived what its attributes are. For most men," said I, "know and 
employ merely the names of things, but are ignorant of the things themselves. 19 On 
the other hand, men who are educated make it their business to know also the 
meaning of everything of which they speak. For example, anthropos is a term used by 
all who speak Greek, but if you should ask any one of them what anthropos really is — 
I mean what its attributes are and wherein it differs from any other thing — he could 
not say, but could only point to himself or to some else in true barbarian fashion. But 
man who has expert knowledge, when asked what anthropos is, replies that it is a 
mortal animal endowed with reason. For that happens to be true of anthropos alone 
and of nothing else. 

[36,20] Well, in that way also the term 'city' is said to mean a group of 
anthropoi dwelling in the same place and governed by law.  It is immediately evident, 
therefore, that that term belongs to none of those communities which are called cities 
but are without wisdom and without law. Consequently not even in referring to 
Nineveh could the poet use the term 'city,' since Nineveh is given over to folly. For 
just as that person is not even an anthropos who does not also possess the attribute of 
reason, so that community is not even a city which lacks obedience to law. And it 
could never be obedient to law if it is foolish and disorderly. 
21 Perhaps, then, someone might inquire whether, when the rulers and leaders of a 
community are men of prudence and wisdom, and it is in accordance with their 
judgement that the rest are governed, lawfully and sanely, such a community may be 
called sane and (p441) law-abiding and really a city because of those who govern it; just 
as a chorus might possibly be termed musical provided its leader were musical and 
provided further that the other members followed this lead and uttered no sound 
contrary to the melody that he set — or only slight sounds and indistinctly uttered. 
22 For no one knows of a good city made wholly of good elements as having existed in 
the past, that is, a city of mortal men, nor is it worth while to conceive of such a city as 
possibly arising in the future, unless it be a city of the blessed gods in heaven, by no 
means motionless or inactive, but vigorous and progressive, its guides and leaders 
being gods, exempt from strife and defeat. For it is impious to suppose that gods 
indulge in strife or are subject to defeat, either by one another, friends as they are, or 
by more powerful beings; on the contrary, we must think of them as performing their 
several functions without let or hindrance and with unvarying friendship of all toward 
all in common, the most conspicuous among them each pursuing an independent 
course — I don't mean wandering aimlessly and senselessly, but rather dancing a 
dance of happiness coupled with wisdom and supreme intelligence — while the rest 
of the celestial host are swept along by the general movement, the entire heaven 
having one single purpose and impulse. 
23 For that, indeed, is the only constitution or city that may be called genuinely happy 
— the partnership of god with god; even if you include with the gods also everything 
that has the faculty of reason, mankind being thus included as boys are said to share 
(p443) in citizenship with men, being citizens by birth though not by reason of 
conceiving and performing the tasks of citizens or sharing in the law, of which they 
have no comprehension. However, if we take communities of a different kind, though 
everywhere and in every instance, we may almost say, they are absolutely faulty and 
worthless as compared with the supreme righteousness of the divine and blessed law 
and its proper administration, still for our present purpose we shall be supplied with 
examples of the type that is fairly equitable when compared with that which is utterly 
corrupt, just as among persons who are all ill we compare the man who had the 
lightest case with the one who is in worst condition." 
24 Well then, I was launching forth upon that general line in my discussion, when one 
of those who were present, the eldest in the company and held in high esteem, spoke 
up, interrupting me, and in a very guarded manner said, "Stranger, pray do not think 
it boorish or barbarous of me to intervene in the midst of your discourse. For while in 
your country such conduct is not good manners, because of the great abundance of 
philosophical discussions and because one may listen to many men upon any topic he 
may desire, in ours this visit of yours to our city seems almost a miraculous event. 
25 As a usual thing those who come here are nominally Greeks but actually more 
barbarous than ourselves, traders and market-men, fellows who import cheap rags 
and vile wine and export in exchange products of no better quality. But you would 
appear to have been sent to us by Achilles himself from his holy isle,  and we are very 
glad to see you and very glad also to listen to whatever (p445) you have to say. However, we do not believe that this visit of yours is to be of very long duration, nor do we desire it to be, but rather that you may have a prosperous voyage home as speedily as possible. 26 Now therefore, since in your remarks you have touched upon the divine 
form of government, I myself am tremendously excited, and I see that my friends 
here also are all worked up in anticipation of that theme. The fact is that in our 
opinion everything you have said has been magnificently expressed, in a manner not 
unworthy of your theme, and precisely as we should most desire to hear. For although 
we are unacquainted with this more refined form of philosophy, yet we are, as you 
know, lovers of Homer, and some, not many, lovers of Plato too. To this latter group 
I myself belong, for I always read his writings as best I can; and yet it may perhaps 
seem odd that one who speaks the poorest Greek of all the people of Borysthenes 
should delight in the man who is most Greek and most wise and should cultivate that 
man's society, quite as if a person almost wholly blind were to shun every other light 
but turn his gaze upward to the sun itself. 
27 "This, then, is our situation; and if you wish to do us all a favour, postpone your 
discussion of the mortal city — possibly our neighbours may after all grant us leisure 
tomorrow, and not compel us to exert ourselves against them as is generally our wont 
— and tell us instead about that divine city or government, whichever you prefer to 
call it, stating where it is and what it is like, aiming as closely as possible (p447) at 
Plato's nobility of expression, just as but now you seemed to us to do.  For if we 
understand nothing else, we do at least understand his language because of our long 
familiarity with it, for it has a lofty sound, not far removed from the voice of Homer." 
28 I in turn was exceedingly pleased with the simple frankness of the old gentleman, 
and with a laugh I said, "My dear Hieroson,  if yesterday when the enemy made their 
attack you had bidden me to take up arms and give battle like Achilles, I should have 
obeyed one part of your injunction, endeavouring to come to the aid of men who are 
my friends; but the other part, I fancy, I could not have managed, however much 
I should have wished to do so, to fight as your Achilles did. Similarly in the present 
instance also I will do part of what you bid — I will strive to tell my story as best I can 
in my own way; Though ancient heroes I'll not try to match,  
whether it be Plato or Homer. For, you remember, the poet says that in the case of 
Eurytus himself such rivalry worked not to his advantage, since it was aimed at his 
superiors.  However, I shall not lack for devotion," I added. 29 Yet, despite my brave 
words to Hieroson, I was moved and heaved a sigh, as it were, when I bethought me 
of Homer and Plato. 
(p449) "Well then," said I, "the term 'city' must be taken on the understanding that our 
sect  is not literally defining the universe as a city; for that would be in direct conflict 
with our doctrine of the city, which, as I have said, the Stoics define as an 
organization of human beings;  and at the same time it would possibly not be 
suitable or convincing,  

[36,30] if, after stating in the strict sense of the term that the universe 
is a living creature,  they should then call it a city, for that the same thing is both a city 
and a living being is a proposition that, I imagine, no one would readily consent 
to entertain. Yet the present orderly constitution of the universe ever since the whole 
has been separated and divided into a considerable number of forms of plants and 
animals, mortal and immortal, yes, and into air and earth and water and fire,  being 
nevertheless by nature in all these forms one thing and governed by one spirit and 
force — this orderly constitution, I say, the Stoics do in one way or another liken to a 
city because of the multitude of the creatures that are constantly either being born or 
else ending their existence in it, and, furthermore, because of the arrangement and 
orderliness of its administration. 
31 "This doctrine, in brief, aims to harmonize the human race with the divine, and to 
embrace in a single term everything endowed with reason, finding in reason the only 
sure and indissoluble foundation for fellowship and justice. For in keeping with that 
(p451) concept the term 'city' would be applied, not, of course, to an organization that 
has chanced to get mean or petty leaders nor to one which through tyranny or 
democracy or, in fact, through decarchy or oligarchy or any other similar product of 
imperfection, is being torn to pieces and made the victim of constant party faction. 
Nay, term would be applied rather to an organization that is governed by the sanest 
and noblest form of kingship, to one that is actually under royal governance in 
accordance with law, in complete friendship and concord. 32 And this, indeed, is 
precisely what the wisest and eldest ruler and law-giver ordains for all, both mortals 
and immortals, he who is the leader of all the heaven and lord of all being, himself 
thus expounding the term and offering his own administration as a pattern of the 
happy and blessed condition, he whom the divine bards, instructed by the Muses, 
praise in song and call the 'father of gods and men.' 
33 "For the chances are, indeed, that poets as a class are not utterly bad marksmen 
when they speak of sacred things and that they are not missing the mark when they 
use such expressions as that repeatedly; on the other hand, it is not likely that they 
have received a real initiation according to the rites and regulations of true initiates, 
or that with reference to the universe they know anything, if I may say so, which is 
true and clear. But we may think of them as merely like the attendants at the rites, 
who stand outside at the doors, decking portals on the altars which are in full view and 
attending to the other preparations of that kind but never passing within. Indeed that 
is the very reason why the poets call themselves 'attendants of the Muses,'  not 
initiates (p453) or any other august name. 34 So, as I was saying, it is reasonable to 
suppose that not only do those who busy themselves near some ritual, hard by the 
entrance to the sanctuary, gain some inkling of what is going on within, when either a 
lone mystic phrase rings out loudly, or fire appears above the enclosure, but also that 
there comes sometimes to the poets — I mean the very ancient poets — some 
utterance from the Muses, however brief, some inspiration of divine nature and of 
divine truth, like a flash of fire from the invisible. This is what happened to Homer 
and Hesiod when they were possessed by the Muses. 35 But the poets who came after 
them in later days, bringing to stage and theatre naught but their own wisdom, 
uninitiate addressing initiate, have often times disclosed imperfect patterns of holy rites; 
but, being applauded by the multitude, they tried in their own right to initiate the 
mob, actually, as we might say, building open booths for Bacchic rites at tragic 
crossroads. 
"Yet all these poets in precisely the same fashion call the first and greatest god Father 
of the whole rational family collectively, yes, and King besides. 36 And trusting to 
these poets men erect altars to Zeus the King and, what is more, some do not hesitate 
even to call him Father in their prayers, believing that there exists some such 
government and organization of the universe as that. Therefore, from that standpoint 
at least, it seems to me, they would not hesitate to apply the term 'home of Zeus'  to 
the (p455) entire universe — if indeed he is father of all who live in it — yes, by Zeus, and his 'city' too, our Stoic similitude, to suggest the greater office of the god. 37 For 
kingship is a word more appropriate to a city than to a home. For surely men would 
not apply the term King to him who is over all and then refuse to admit that the whole 
is governed by a king, nor would they admit that they are governed by a king and then 
deny that they are members of a state or that there is a kingly administration of the 
universe. And again, conceding 'administration,' they would not balk at accepting 
'city,' or something very like it, as descriptive of that which is administered. 
38 "This, then, is the theory of the philosophers, a theory which sets up a noble and 
benevolent fellowship of gods and men which gives a share in law and citizenship, not 
to all living beings whatsoever, but only to such as have a share in reason and 
intellect, introducing a far better and more righteous code than that of Sparta, in 
accordance with which the Helots have no prospect of ever becoming Spartans, and 
consequently are constantly plotting against Sparta. 
39 "Moreover, there is besides a myth which arouses admiration as sung in secret rites 
by the Magi, who extol this god of ours as being the perfect and original driver of the 
most perfect chariot. For the chariot of Helius, they claim, is relatively recent when 
compared with that of Zeus, though visible to the many because its course is run in 
full view. Therefore, they say, the chariot of Helius has enjoyed a reputation with all 
mankind, since the poets, beginning practically with the earliest times, so it would 
seem, are always telling of its rising and (p457) its setting, all in the same manner 
describing the yoking of the horses and Helius himself mounting his car. 

[36,40] "But the mighty, perfect chariot of Zeus has never been praised as it deserves by 
any of the poets of our land, either by Homer or by Hesiod;  and yet Zoroaster sings 
of it, as do the children of the Magi, who learned the song from him. For the Persians 
say that Zoroaster, because of a passion for wisdom and justice, deserted his fellows 
and dwelt by himself on a certain mountain; and they say that thereupon the 
mountain caught fire, a mighty flame descending from the sky above, and that it 
burned unceasingly. So then the king and the most distinguished of his Persians drew 
near for the purpose of praying to the god; and Zoroaster came forth from the fire 
unscathed, and, showing himself gracious toward them, bade them to be of good 
cheer and to offer certain sacrifices in recognition of the god's having come to that 
place. 41 And thereafter, so they say, Zoroaster has associated, not with them all, but 
only with such as are best endowed with regard to the truth, and are best able to 
understand the god, men whom the Persians have named Magi, that is to say, people 
who know how to cultivate the divine power, not like the Greeks, who in their 
ignorance use the term to denote wizards.  And all else that those Magi do is in 
accordance with sacred sayings, and in particular they maintain for Zeus a team of 
Nisaean horses  — (p459) and these horses are the finest and largest to be found in Asia 
— but for Helius they maintain only a single horse. 
42 "These Magi narrate their myth, not in the manner of our prophets  of the Muses, 
who merely present each detail with much plausibility, but rather with stubborn 
insistence upon its truthfulness. For they assert that the universe is constantly being 
propelled and driven along a single path, as by a charioteer endowed with highest 
skill and power, and that this movement goes on unceasingly in unceasing cycles of 
time. And the coursing of Helius and Selenκ, according to their account, is the 
movement of portions of the whole, and for that reason it is more clearly perceived by 
mankind. And they add that the movement and revolution of the universe as a whole 
is not perceptible to the majority of mankind, but that, on the contrary, they are 
ignorant of the magnitude of this contest. 
43 "What follows regarding the horses and their driving I really am ashamed to tell in 
the manner in which the Magi set it forth in their narrative, since they are not very 
much concerned to secure consistency at all points in their presentation of the 
picture. In fact, quite possibly I may appear absurd when, in contrast with Greek lays 
of grace and charm, I chant one that is barbarian;  but still I must make the venture. 
"According to the Magi, that one of the horses (p461) which is the highest in the 
heavens is immeasurably superior in beauty, size, and speed, since it has the outside 
track and runs the longest course, a horse sacred to Zeus himself. Furthermore, it is a 
winged creature, brilliant in colour with the brilliance of the purest flame; and in it 
Helius and Selenκ are to be seen as conspicuous signs or marks — like, I fancy, the 
marks which horses bear here on earth, some crescent-shaped and some of other 
patterns. 44 And they say that these 'marks' appear to us to be in close array, as it were 
great sparks of fire darting about in the midst of brilliant light, and yet that each has 
its own independent motion. Furthermore, the other stars also which are visible 
through that Horse of Zeus, one and all being natural parts of it, in some instances 
revolve along with it and have the same motion, and in others follow different tracks. 
And they add that among men these stars which are associated with the Horse of 
Zeus have each its own particular name;  whereas the rest are treated collectively in 
groups, distributed so as to form certain figures or patterns. 
45 "Well then, the horse that is most brilliant and most spangled with stars and 
dearest to Zeus himself, being praised by the Magi in their hymns for some such 
attributes as these, quite properly stands first in sacrifice and worship as being truly 
first. Next in order after that, in closest contact with the Horse of Zeus, comes one 
that bears the name of Hera,  a horse obedient to the rein and gentle, but far inferior 
in strength and speed. In colour this horse is of its own nature black, but that portion 
which receives the light of Helius is regularly bright, whereas where it is (p463) in 
shadow in its revolution it has its own proper colour.  46 Third comes a horse that is 
sacred to Poseidon,  still slower than the second. Regarding this steed the poets have 
a myth to the effect that its counterpart appeared among men — he whom they call 
Pegasus, methinks — and they claim that he caused a fountain to burst forth at 
Corinth by pawing with his hoof.  But the fourth is the strangest conception of them 
all, a horse both firm and immovable, to say nothing of its having no wings, and it is 
named after Hestia.  However, the Magi do not shrink from its portrayal; on the 
contrary, they state that this steed also is harnessed to the chariot, and yet it remains 
immovable, champing its adamantine curb. 47 And from all sides the other horses 
press close to him with their bodies and the pair that are his neighbours  swerve 
toward him abreast, falling upon him, as it were, and crowding him, yet the horse 
that is farthest off  is ever first to round that stationary steed as horses round the 
turn in the hippodrome. 
"Now for the most part the horses continue in peace and friendship, unharmed by 
one another. But on one occasion in the past, in the course of a long space of time and 
many revolutions of the universe, a mighty blast from the first horse fell from on 
high, (p465) and, as might have been expected from such a fiery-tempered steed, 
inflamed the others, and more especially the last in order;  and the fire encompassed 
not alone its mane, which formed its personal pride, but the whole universe as well. 
48 And the Magi say that the Greeks, recording this experience as an isolated 
occurrence, connect it with the name of Phaethon, since they are unable to criticize 
the driving of Zeus and are loath to find fault with the coursings of Helius. And so 
they relate that a younger driver, a mortal son of Helius, desiring a sport that was to 
prove grievous and disastrous for all mankind, besought his father to let him mount 
his car and, plunging along in disorderly fashion, consumed with fire everything, both 
animals and plants, and finally was himself destroyed, being smitten by too powerful 
a flame.  
49 "Again, when at intervals of several years the horse that is sacred to Poseidon and 
the Nymphs rebels, having become panic-stricken and agitated beyond his wont, he 
overwhelms with copious sweat that same steed, since they two are yoke-mates. 
Accordingly it meets with fate which is the opposite of the disaster previously 
mentioned, this time being deluged with a mighty flood. And the Magi state that here 
again the Greeks, through youthful ignorance and faulty memory, record this flood as 
a single occurrence and claim that Deucalion, who was then king, saved them from 
complete destruction. 

[36,50] (p467) "According to the Magi, these rare occurrences are viewed by mankind as 
taking place for their destruction, and not in accord with reason or as a part of the 
order of the universe, being unaware that they occur quite properly and in keeping 
with the plan of the preserver and governor of the world. For in reality it is 
comparable with what happens when a charioteer punishes one of his horses, pulling 
hard upon the rein or pricking with the goad; and then the horse prances and is 
thrown into a panic but straightway settles down to its proper gait. 
"Well then, this is one kind of driving of which they tell, attended by violence but not 
involving the complete destruction of the universe. 51 On the other hand, they tell also 
of a different kind that involves the movement and change of all four horses, one in 
which they shift among themselves and interchange their forms until all come 
together into one being, having been overcome by that one which is superior in 
power. And yet this movement also the Magi dare to liken to the guidance and driving 
of a chariot, though to do so they need even stranger imagery. For instance, it is as if 
some magician were to mould horses out of wax, and then, subtracting and scraping 
off the wax from each, should add a little now to this one and now to that, until 
finally, having used up all the horses in constructing one from the four, he should 
fashion a single horse out of all his material. 52 They state, however, that in reality the 
process to which they refer is not like that of such inanimate images, in which the 
craftsman operates and shifts the material from without, but that instead the 
transformation is the work of these creatures themselves, just as if they were striving 
for victory in a (p469) contest that is great and real. And they add that the victory and its 
crown belong of necessity to that horse which is first and best in speed and prowess 
and general excellence, I mean to that one which we named in the beginning of our 
account as the special steed of Zeus. 53 For that one, being most valiant of all and fiery 
by nature, having speedily used up the others — as if, methinks, they were truly made 
of wax — in no great span of time (though to us it seems endless according to our 
reckoning) and having appropriated to itself all the substance of them all, appeared 
much greater and more brilliant than formerly; not through the aid of any other 
creature, either mortal or immortal, but by itself and its own efforts proving victor in 
the greatest contest. And, standing tall and proud, rejoicing in its victory, it not only 
seized the largest possible region but also needed larger space at that time, so great 
was its strength and its spirit. 
54 "Having arrived at that stage in their myth, the Magi are embarrassed in search of a 
name to describe the nature of the creature of their own invention. For they say that 
now by this time it is simply the soul of the charioteer and master; or, let us say, 
merely the intellect and leadership of that soul. (Those, in fact, are the terms we 
ourselves employ when we honour and reverence the greatest god by noble deeds and 
pious words). 55 For indeed, when the mind alone had been left and had filled with 
itself immeasurable space, since it had poured itself evenly in all directions and 
nothing in it remained dense but (p471) complete porosity prevailed — at which time it 
becomes most beautiful — having obtained the purest nature of unadulterated light, it 
immediately longed for the existence that it had at first. Accordingly, becoming 
enamoured of that control and governance and concord which it once maintained not 
only over the three natures of sun and moon and the other stars, but also over 
absolutely all animals and plants, it became eager to generate and distribute 
everything and to make the orderly universe then existent once more far better and 
more resplendent because newer. 56 And emitting a full flash of lightning, not a 
disorderly or foul one such as in stormy weather often darts forth, when the clouds 
drive more violently than usual, but rather pure and unmixed with any murk, it 
worked a transformation easily, with the speed of thought. But recalling Aphroditκ 
and the process of generation, it tamed and relaxed itself and, quenching much of its 
light, it turned into fiery air of gentle warmth, and uniting with Hera and enjoying the 
most perfect wedlock, in sweet repose it emitted anew the full supply of seed for the 
universe. Such is the blessed marriage of Zeus and Hera of which the sons of sages 
sing in secret rites. 57 And having made fluid all his essence, one seed for the entire 
world, he himself moving about in it like a spirit that moulds and fashions in 
generation, then indeed most closely resembling the composition of the other 
creatures, inasmuch as he might with reason be said to consist of soul and body, he 
now (p473) with ease moulds and fashions all the rest, pouring about him his essence 
smooth and soft and easily yielding in every part. 
58 "And having performed his task and brought it to completion, he revealed the 
existent universe as once more a thing of beauty and inconceivable loveliness, much 
more resplendent, indeed, than it appears to-day. For not only, I ween, are all other 
works of craftsmen better and brighter when fresh from the artistic hand of their 
maker, but also the younger specimens of plants are more vigorous than the old and 
altogether like young shoots. And indeed animals, too, are charming attractive to 
behold right after their birth, not merely the most beautiful among them — colts and 
calves and puppies — but even the whelps of wild animals of the most savage kind. 
59 For, on the one hand, the nature of man is helpless and feeble like Demeter's 
tender grain, but when it has progressed to the full measure of its prime, it is a 
stronger and more conspicuous creation than any plant at all. However, the entire 
heaven and universe when first it was completed, having been put in order by the 
wisest and noblest craft, just released from the hand of the creator, brilliant and 
translucent and brightly beaming in all its parts, remained helpless for no time at all, 
nor weak with the weakness that nature ordains for man and other mortal beings, 
but, on the contrary, was fresh and vigorous from the very beginning. 

[36,60] At that time, 
therefore, the Creator and Father of the World, beholding the work of his hands, was 
not by any means merely pleased, for that is a lowly (p475) experience of lowly beings; 
nay, he rejoiced and was delighted exceedingly, 
"As on Olympus he sat, and his heart did laugh 
For joy, beholding the gods
who were now all created and present before him." 
But the form of the universe at that moment — I mean both the bloom and the beauty 
of that which is for ever ineffably beauteous — no man could conceive and fitly 
express, neither among men of our time nor among those of former days, but only the 
Muses and Apollo with the divine rhythm of their pure and consummate harmony. 
61 For that reason let us also refrain for the present, now that we have not shirked 
exalting the myth to the best of our power. And if the form of that myth has turned 
out to be utterly lofty and indistinct, just as those who are expert in augury declare 
that the bird which ascends too high into the heavens hides itself in the clouds makes 
divination incomplete, still it is not I whom you should blame, but rather the 
insistence of those men of Borysthenes, because it was they who bade me speak that day.