[3,0] BOOK III. 

[3,1] After the death of Numa Pompilius the senate, being once more in full control of 
the commonwealth, resolved to abide by the same form of government, and as the 
people did not adopt any contrary opinion, they appointed some of the older senators 
to govern as interreges for a definite number of days. These men, pursuant to the 
unanimous desire of the people, chose as king Tullus Hostilius, whose descent was as 
follows. From Medullia, a city which had been built by the Albans and made a 
Roman colony by Romulus after he had taken it by capitulation, a man of 
distinguished birth and great fortune, named Hostilius, had removed to Rome and 
married a woman of the Sabine race, the daughter of Hersilius, the same woman who 
had advised her country-women to go as envoys to their fathers on behalf of their 
husbands at the time when the Sabines were making war against the Romans, and 
was regarded as the person chiefly responsible for the alliance then concluded by the 
leaders of (p5) the two nations. This man, after taking part with Romulus in many wars 
and performing mighty deeds in the battles with the Sabines, died, leaving an only 
son, a young child at the time, and was buried by the kings in the principal part of the 
Forum and honoured with a monument and an inscription testifying to his valour. 
 His only son, having come to manhood and married a woman of distinction, had by 
her Tullius Hostilius, a man of action, the same who was now chosen king by a vote 
passed by the citizens concerning him according to the laws; and the decision of the 
people was confirmed by favourable omens from Heaven. The year in which he 
assumed the sovereignty was the second of the twenty-seventh Olympiad,4 the one in 
which Eurybates, an Athenian, won the prize in the foot-race, Leostratus being 
archon at Athens.  Tullus, immediately upon his accession, gained the hearts of all 
the labouring class and of the needy among the populace by performing an act of the 
most splendid kind. It was this: The kings before him had possessed much fertile 
land, especially reserved for them, from the revenues of which they not only offered 
sacrifices to the gods, but also had abundant provision for their private needs. This 
land Romulus had acquired in war by dispossessing the former owners, and when he 
died childless, Numa Pompilius, his successor, had enjoyed its use; it was no longer 
the property of the state, but the inherited possession of the successive kings.  Tullus 
now permitted this land to be divided equally among (p7) such of the Romans as had no 
allotment, declaring that his own patrimony was sufficient both for the sacrifices and 
for his personal expenditures. By this act of humanity he relieved the poor among the 
citizens by freeing them from the necessity of labouring as serfs on the estates of 
others. And, to the end that none might lack a habitation either, he included within 
the city wall the hill called the Caelian, where those Romans who were unprovided 
with dwellings were allotted a sufficient amount of ground and built houses; and he 
himself had his residence in this quarter. These, then, are the memorable actions 
reported of this king so far as regards his civil administration. 

[3,2] Many  military exploits are related of him, but the greatest are those which I shall 
now narrate, beginning with the war against the Albans. The man responsible for the 
quarrel between the two cities and the severing of their bond of kinship was an Alban 
named Cluilius,6 who had been honoured with the chief magistracy; this man, vexed 
at the prosperity of the Romans and unable to contain his envy, and being by nature 
headstrong and somewhat inclined to madness, resolved to involve the cities in war 
with each other. But not seeing how he could persuade the Albans to permit him to 
lead an army against the Romans without just and urgent reasons, he contrived a 
plan of the following sort: (p9) he permitted the poorest and boldest of the Albans to 
pillage the fields of the Romans, promising them immunity, and so caused many to 
overrun the neighbouring territory in a series of plundering raids, as they would now 
be pursuing without danger gains from which they would never desist even under the 
constraint of fear. In doing this he was following a very natural line of reasoning, as 
the event bore witness. For he assumed that the Romans would not submit to being 
plundered but would rush to arms, and he would thus have an opportunity of 
accusing them to his people as the aggressors in the war; and he also believed that the 
majority of the Albans, envying the prosperity of their colony, would gladly listen to 
these false accusations and would begin war against the Romans. And that is just 
what happened. For when the worst elements of each city fell to robbing and 
plundering each other and at last a Roman army made an incursion into the territory 
of the Albans and killed or took prisoner many of the bandits, Cluilius assembled the 
people and inveighed against the Romans at great length, showed them many who 
were wounded, produced the relations of those who had been seized or slain, and at 
the same time added other circumstances of his own invention; whereupon it was 
voted on his motion to send an embassy first of all to demand satisfaction for what 
had happened, and then, if the Romans refused it, to begin war against them. 

[3,3] Upon the arrival of the ambassadors at (p11) Rome, Tullius, suspecting that they had 
come to demand satisfaction, resolved to anticipate them in doing this, since he 
wished to turn upon the Albans the blame for breaking the compact between them 
and their colony. For there existed a treaty between the two cities which had been 
made in the reign of Romulus, wherein, among other articles, it was stipulated that 
neither of them should begin a war, but if either complained of any injury 
whatsoever, that city would demand satisfaction from the city which had done the 
injury, and failing to obtain it, should then make war as a matter of necessity, the 
treaty being looked upon as already broken. Tullius, therefore, taking care that the 
Romans should not be the first called upon to give satisfaction and, by refusing it, 
become guilty in the eyes of the Albans, ordered the most distinguished of his friends 
to entertain the ambassadors of the Albans with every courtesy and to detain them 
inside their homes while he himself, pretending to be occupied with some necessary 
business, put off their audience. The following night he sent to Alba some Romans of 
distinction, duly instructed as to the course they should pursue, together with the 
fetiales,  to demand satisfaction from the Albans for the injuries the Romans had 
received. These, having performed their journey before sunrise, found Cluilius in the 
market-place at the time when the early morning crowd was gathered there. And 
having set forth the injuries which the Romans had received at the hands of the 
Albans, they demanded that he should act in conformity with the compact between 
(p13) the cities. But Cluilius, alleging that the Albans had been first in sending envoys 
to Rome to demand satisfaction and had not even been vouchsafed an answer, 
ordered the Romans to depart, on the ground that they had violated the terms of the 
treaty, and declared war against them. The chief of the embassy, however, as he was 
departing, demanded from Cluilius an answer to just this one question, namely, 
whether he admitted that those were violating the treaty who, being the first called 
upon to give satisfaction, had refused to comply with any part of their obligation. 
 And when Cluilius said he did, he exclaimed: "Well, then, I call the gods, whom we 
made witnesses of our treaty, to witness that the Romans, having been the first to be 
refused satisfaction, will be undertaking a just war against the violators of that treaty, 
and that it is you Albans who have avoided giving satisfaction, as the events 
themselves show. For you, being the first called upon for satisfaction, have refused it 
and you have been the first to declare war against us. Look, therefore, for vengeance 
to come upon you ere long with the sword."Tullius, having learned of all this from 
the ambassadors upon their return to Rome, then ordered the Albans to be brought 
before him and to state the reasons for their coming; and when they had delivered the 
message entrusted to them by Cluilius and were threatening war in case they did not 
obtain satisfaction, he replied: "I have anticipated you in doing this, and having (p15) 
obtained nothing that the treaty directs, I declare against the Albans the war that is 
both necessary and just." 

[3,4] After  these pretences they both prepared themselves for war, not only arming 
their own forces but also calling to their assistance those of their subjects. And when 
they had everything ready the two armies drew near to each other and encamped at 
the distance of forty stades from Rome, the Albans at the Cluilian Ditches,  as they are 
called (for they still preserve the name of the man who constructed them) and the 
Romans a little farther inside,  having chosen the most convenient place for their 
camp. When the two armies saw each other's forces neither inferior in numbers nor 
poorly armed nor to be despised in respect of their other preparations, they lost their 
impetuous ardour for the combat, which they had felt at first because of their 
expectation of defeating the enemy by their very onset, and they took thought rather 
of defending themselves by building their ramparts to a greater height than of being 
the first to attack. At the same time the most intelligent among them began to reflect, 
feeling that they were not being governed by the best counsels, and there was a spirit 
of faultfinding against those in authority. And as (p17) the time dragged on in vain (for 
they were not injuring one another to any notable extent by sudden dashes of the 
light-armed troops or by skirmishes of the horse), the man who was looked upon as 
responsible for the war, Cluilius, being irked at lying idle, resolved to march out with 
his army and challenge the enemy to battle, and if they declined it, to attack their 
entrenchments. And having made his preparations for an engagement and all the 
plans necessary for an attack upon the enemy's ramparts, in case that should prove 
necessary, when night came on he went to sleep in the general's tent, attended by his 
usual guard; but about daybreak he was found dead, no signs appearing on his body 
either of wounds, strangling, poison, or any other violent death. 

[3,5] This unfortunate event appearing extraordinary to everybody, as one would 
naturally expect, and the cause of it being enquired into — for no preceding illness 
could be alleged — those who ascribed all human fortunes to divine providence said 
that this death had been due to the anger of the gods, because he had handled an 
unjust and unnecessary war between the mother-city and her colony. But others, who 
looked upon war as a profitable business and thought they had been deprived of great 
gains, attributed the event to human treachery and envy, accusing some of his fellow 
citizens of the opposing faction of having made away with him by secret and 
untraceable poisons that they had discovered. (p19) Still others alleged that, being 
overcome with grief and despair, he had taken his own life, since all his plans were 
becoming difficult and impracticable and none of the things that he had looked 
forward to in the beginning when he first took hold of affairs was succeeding 
according to his desire. But those who were not influenced by either friendship or 
enmity for the general and based their judgment of what had happened on the 
soundest grounds were of the opinion that neither the anger of the gods nor the envy 
of the opposing faction nor despair of his plans had put an end to his life, but rather 
Nature's stern law and fate, when once he had finished the destined course which is 
marked out for everyone that is born. Such, then, was the end that Cluilius met, 
before he had performed any noble deed. In his place Mettius Fufetius was chosen 
general by those in the camp and invested with absolute power;  he was a man 
without either ability to conduct a war or constancy to preserve a peace, one who, 
though he had been at first ass zealous as any of the Albans in creating strife between 
the two cities and for that reason had been honoured with the command after the 
death of Cluilius, yet after he had obtained it and perceived the many difficulties and 
embarrassments with which the business was attended, no longer adhered to the 
same plans, but resolved to delay and put off matters, since he observed that not all 
the Albans now had the same ardour for war and also that the victims, whenever he 
offered sacrifice concerning battle, were unfavourable. And at last he even 
determined to invite the (p21) enemy to an accommodation, taking the initiative himself 
in sending heralds, after he had been informed of a danger from the outside which 
threatened both the Albans and Romans, a danger which, if they did not terminate 
their war with each other by a treaty, was unavoidable and bound to destroy both 
armies. The danger was this: 

[3,6] The Veientes and Fidenates, who inhabited large and populous cities, had in the 
reign of Romulus engaged in a war with the Romans for command and sovereignty, 
and after losing many armies in the course of the war and being punished by the loss 
of part of their territory, they had been forced to become subjects of the conquerors; 
concerning which I have given a precise account in the preceding Book.  But having 
enjoyed an uninterrupted peace during the reign of Numa Pompilius, they had greatly 
increased in population, wealth and every other form of prosperity. Elated, therefore, 
by these advantages, they again aspired to freedom, assumed a bolder spirit and 
prepared to yield obedience to the Romans no longer. For a time, indeed, their 
intention of revolting remained undiscovered, but during the Alban war it became 
manifest. For when they learned that the Romans had marched out with all their 
forces to engaged the Albans, they thought that they had now got the most favourable 
opportunity for their attack, and through their most influential men they entered into 
a secret conspiracy. It was arranged that all who were capable of bearing arms should 
assemble in Fidenae, (p23) going secretly, a few at a time, so as to escape as far as 
possible the notice of to against whom the plot was aimed,and should remain there 
awaiting the moment when the armies of the Romans and Albans should quit their 
camps and march out to battle, the actual time to be indicated to them by means of 
signals given by some scouts posted on the mountains; and as soon as the signals 
were raised they were all to take arms and advance in haste against the combatants 
(the road leading from Fidenae to the camps was not a long one, but only a march of 
two or three hours at most), and appearing on the battlefield at the time when 
presumably the conflict would be over, they were to regard neither side as friends, but 
whether the Romans or the Albans had won, were to slay the victors. This was the 
plan of action on which the chiefs of those cities had determined. If, therefore, the 
Albans, in their contempt for the Romans, had rushed more boldly into an 
engagement and had resolved to stake everything upon the issue of a single battle, 
nothing could have hindered the treachery contrived against them from remaining 
secret and both their armies from being destroyed. But as it was, their delay in 
beginning war, contrary to all expectations, and the length of time they employed in 
making their preparations were bringing their foes' plans to nought. For some of the 
conspirators, either seeking to compass their private advantage or envying their 
leaders and those who had been the authors of the undertaking or fearing that others 
might lay information — a thing which has often happened in conspiracies where 
there are many accomplices (p25) and the execution is long delayed — or being 
compelled by the will of Heaven, which could not consent that a wicked design should 
meet with success, informed their enemies of the treachery. 

[3,7] Fufetius, upon learning of this, grew still more desirous of making an 
accommodation, feeling that they now had no choice left of any other course. The 
king of the Romans also had received information of this conspiracy from his friends 
in Fidenae, so that he, too, made no delay but hearkened to the overtures made by 
Fufetius. When the two met in the space between the camps, each being attended by 
his council consisting of persons of competent judgment, they first embraced, 
according to their former custom, and exchanged the greetings usual among friends 
and relations, and then proceeded to discuss an accommodation. And first the Alban 
leader began as follows: 
"It seems to me necessary to begin my speech by setting forth the reasons why I have 
determined to take the initiative in proposing a termination of the war, though 
neither defeated by you Romans in battle nor hindered from supplying my army with 
provisions nor reduced to any other necessity, to the end that you may not imagine 
that a recognition of the weakness of my own force or a belief that yours is difficult to 
overcome makes me seek a plausible excuse for ending the war. For, should you 
entertain such an opinion of us, you would be intolerably severe, (p27) and, as if you 
were already victorious in the war, you could not bring yourself to do anything 
reasonable. In order, therefore, that you may not impute to me false reasons for my 
purpose to end the war, listen to the true reasons. My country have been appointed 
me general with absolute power, as soon as I took over the command I considered 
what were the causes which had disturbed the peace of our cities. And finding them 
trivial and petty and of too little consequence to dissolve so great a friendship and 
kinship, I concluded that neither we Albans nor you Romans had been governed by 
the best counsels. And I was further convinced of this and led to condemn the great 
madness that we both have shown, an once I had taken hold of affairs and began to 
sound out each man's private opinion. For I found that the Albans neither in their 
private meetings nor in their public assemblies were all of one mind regarding the 
war; and the signs from Heaven, whenever I consulted the victims concerning battle, 
presenting, as they did, far greater difficulties than those based on human reasoning, 
caused me great dismay and anxiety. In view, therefore, of these considerations, 
I restrained my eagerness for armed conflicts and devised delays and postponements 
of the war, in the belief that you Romans would make the first overtures towards 
peace. And indeed you should have done this, Tullius, since you are our colony, and 
not have waited till your mother-city set the example. For the founders of cities have a 
right to receive as great respect from their colonies as parents from their children. 
6But while we have been (p29) delaying and watching each other, to see which side 
should first make friendly overtures, another motive, more compelling than any 
arguments drawn from human reason, has arisen to draw us together. And since 
I learned of this while it was yet a secret to you, I felt that I ought no longer to aim at 
appearances in concluding peace. For dreadful designs are being formed against us, 
Tullius, and a deadly plot has been woven against both of us, a plot which was bound 
to overwhelm and destroy us easily and without effort, bursting upon us like a 
conflagration or a flood. The authors of these wicked designs are the chiefs of the 
Fidenates and Veientes, who have conspired together. Hear now the nature of their 
plot and how the knowledge of their secret design came to me." 

[3,8] With these words he gave to one of those present the letters which a certain man 
had brought to him from his friends at Fidenae, and desired him to read them out; 
and at the same time he produced the man who had brought the letters. After they 
were read and the man had informed them of everything he had learned by word of 
mouth from the persons who had despatched the letters, all present were seized with 
great astonishment, as one would naturally expect upon their hearing of so great and 
so unexpected a danger. Then Fufetius, after a short pause, continued: 
 You have now heard, Romans, the reasons why I have thus far been postponing 
armed conflicts with you and have now thought fit to make the first overtures 
concerning peace. After (p31) this it is for you to consider whether, in order to avenge 
the seizure of some miserable oxen and sheep, you ought to continue to carry on an 
implacable war against year founders and fathers, in the course of which, whether 
conquered or conquerors, you are sure to be destroyed, or, laying aside your enmity 
toward your kinsmen, to march with us against our common foes, who have plotted 
not only to revolt from you but also to attack you — although they have neither 
suffered any harm nor had any reason to fear that they should suffer any — and, what 
is more, have not attacked us openly, according to the universally recognized laws of 
war, but under cover of darkness, so that their treachery could least be suspected and 
guarded against. But I need say no more to convince you that we ought to lay aside 
our enmity and march with all speed against these impious men (for it would be 
madness to think otherwise), since you are already resolved and will pursue that 
resolution. But in what manner the terms of reconciliation may prove honourable and 
advantageous to both cities (for probably you have long been eager to hear this) 
I shall now endeavour to explain. For my part, I hold that that mutual reconciliation 
is the best and the most becoming to kinsmen and friends, in which there is no 
rancour nor remembrance of past injuries, but a general and sincere remission of 
everything that has been done or suffered on both sides; less honourable than this 
form of reconciliation is one by which, indeed, the mass of the people are absolved of 
blame, but those who have injured one another are compelled to (p33) undergo such a 
trial as reason and law direct. Of these two methods of reconciliation, now, it is my 
opinion that we ought to choose the one which is the more honourable and 
magnanimous, and we ought to pass a decree of general amnesty. However, if you, 
Tullius, do not wish a reconciliation of this kind, but prefer that the accusers and the 
accused should mutually give and receive satisfaction, the Albans are also ready to do 
this, after first settling our mutual hatreds. And if, besides this, you have any other 
method to suggest which is either more honourable or more just, you cannot lay it 
before us too soon, and for doing so I shall be greatly obliged to you." 

[3,9] After Fufetius had thus spoken, the king of the Romans answered him and said: 
"We also, Fufetius, felt that it would be a grave calamity for us if we were forced to 
decide this war between kinsmen by blood and slaughter, and whenever we 
performed the sacrifices preparatory to war we were forbidden by them to begin an 
engagement. As regards the secret conspiracy entered into by the Fidenates and 
Veientes against us both, we have learned of it, a little ahead of you, through our 
friends in their midst, and we are not unprepared against their plot, but have taken 
measures not only to suffer no mischief ourselves but also to punish those foes in 
such a manner as their treachery deserves. Nor were we less disposed than you to put 
an end to the war without a battle rather than by the sword;yet we did not consider 
it fitting that we should be the first to send ambassadors to propose an 
accommodation, since we had not been (p35) the first to begin the war, but had merely 
defended ourselves against those who had begun it. But once you are ready to lay 
down your arms, we will gladly receive your proposal, and will not scrutinize too 
closely the terms of the reconciliation, but will accept those that are the best and the 
most magnanimous, forgiving every injury and offence we have received from the city 
of Alba — if, indeed, those deserve to be called public offences of the city for which 
your general Cluilius was responsible, and has paid no mean penalty to the gods for 
the wrongs he did us both. Let every occasion, therefore, for complaint, whether 
private or public, be removed and let no memory of past injuries any longer remain — 
even as you also, Fufetius, think fitting. Yet it is not enough for us to consider merely 
how we may compose our present enmity toward one another, but we must further 
take measures to prevent our ever going to war again; for the purpose of our present 
meeting is not to obtain a postponement but rather an end of our evils. What 
settlement of the war, therefore, will be enduring and what contribution must each of 
us make toward the situation, in order that we may be friends both now and for all 
time? This, Fufetius, you have omitted to tell us; but I shall endeavour to go on and 
supply this omission also. If, on the one hand, the Albans would cease to envy the 
Romans the advantages they possess, advantages which were acquired not without 
great perils and many hardships (in any case you have suffered no injury at our 
hands, great or slight, but you hate us for this reason alone, that we seem to be better 
off (p37) than you); and if, on the other hand, the Romans would cease to suspect the 
Albans of always plotting against them and would cease to be on their guard against 
them as against enemies (for no one can be a firm friend to one who distrusts him). 
 How, then, shall each of these results be brought about? Not by inserting them in the 
treaty, nor by our both swearing to them over the sacrificial victims — for these are 
small and weak assurances — but by looking upon each other's fortunes as common 
to us both. For there is only one cure, Fufetius, for the bitterness which men feel over 
the advantages of others, and that is for the envious no longer to regard the 
advantages of the envied as other than their own. In order to accomplish this, I think 
the Romans ought to place equally at the disposal of the Albans all the advantages 
they either now or shall hereafter possess; and that the Albans ought cheerfully the 
accept this offer and all of you, if possible, or at least the most and the best of you, 
become residents of Rome. Was it not, indeed, a fine thing for the Sabines and 
Tyrrhenians to leave their own cities and transfer their habitation to Rome? And for 
you, who are our nearest kinsmen, will it not accordingly be a fine thing if this same 
step is taken?If, however, you refuse to inhabit the same city with us, which is 
already large and will be larger, but are going to cling to your ancestral hearths, do 
this at least: appoint a single council to consider what shall be of advantage to each 
city, and give the supremacy to that one of the two cities which is the more powerful 
and is in a position to render the greater services (p39) to the weaker. This is what 
I recommend, and if these proposals are carried out I believe that we shall then be 
lasting friends; whereas, so long as we inhabit two cities of equal eminence, as at 
present, there never will be harmony between us." 

[3,10] Fufetius, hearing this, desired time for taking counsel; and withdrawing from the 
assembly along with the Albans who were present, he consulted with them whether 
they should accept the proposals. Then, having taken the opinions of all, he returned 
to the assembly and spoke as follows: "We do not think it best, Tullius, to abandon 
our country or to desert the sanctuaries of our fathers, the hearths of our ancestors, 
and the place which our forbears have possessed for nearly five hundred years, 
particularly when we are not compelled to such a course either by war or by any other 
calamity inflicted by the hand of Heaven. But we are not opposed to establishing a 
single council and letting one of the two cities rule over the other. Let this article, 
then, also be inserted in the treaty, if agreeable, and let every excuse for war be 
removed." 
These conditions having been agreed upon, they fell to disputing which of the two 
cities should be given the supremacy and many words were spoken by both of them 
upon this subject, each contending that his own city should rule over the other. The 
claims advanced by the Alban leader were as follows: 
"As for us, Tullius, we deserve to rule over even all the rest of Italy, inasmuch as we 
represent a Greek nation and the greatest nation (p41) of all that inhabit this country. 
But to the sovereignty of the Latin nation, even if no other, we think ourselves 
entitled, not without reason, but in accordance with the universal law which Nature 
bestowed upon all men, that ancestors should rule their posterity. And above all our 
other colonies, against whom we have thus far no reason to complain, we think we 
ought to rule your city, having sent our colony thither not so long ago that the stock 
sprung from us is already extinct, exhausted by the lapse of time, but only the third 
generation before the present. If, indeed, Nature, inverting human rights, shall ever 
command the young to rule over the old and posterity over their progenitors, then we 
shall submit to seeing the mother-city ruled by its colony, but not before. This, then, 
is one argument we offer in support of our claim, in virtue of which we will never 
willingly yield the command to you. Another argument — and do not take this as said 
by way of censure or reproach of you Romans, but only from necessity — is the fact 
that the Alban race has to this day continued the same that it was under the founders 
of the city, and one cannot point to any race of mankind, except the Greeks and 
Latins, to whom we have granted citizenship; whereas you have corrupted the purity 
of your body politic by admitting Tyrrhenians, Sabines, and some others who were 
homeless, vagabonds and barbarians, and that in great numbers too, so that the true-
born element among you that went out from our midst (p43) is become small, or rather 
a tiny fraction, in comparison with those who have been brought in and are of alien 
race. And if we should yield the command to you, the base-born will rule over the 
true-born, barbarians over Greeks, and immigrants over the native-born. For you 
cannot even say this much for yourself, that you have not permitted this immigrant 
mob to gain any control of public affairs but that you native-born citizens are 
yourselves the rulers and councillors of the commonwealth. Why, even for your kings 
you choose outsiders, and the greatest part of your senate consists of these 
newcomers; and to none of these conditions can you assert that you submit willingly. 
For what man of superior rank willingly allows himself to be ruled by an inferior? It 
would be great folly and baseness, therefore, on our part to accept willingly those 
evils which you must own you submit to through necessity. My last argument is this: 
The city of Alba has so far made no alteration in any part of its constitution, though it 
is already the eighteenth generation that it has been inhabited, but continues to 
observe in due form all its customs and traditions; whereas your city is still without 
order and discipline, due to its being newly founded and a conglomeration of many 
race, and it will require long ages and manifold turns of fortune in order to be 
regulated and freed from those troubles and dissensions with which it is now 
agitated. But all will agree that order ought to rule over confusion, experience over 
inexperience, and health over sickness; and you do wrong in demanding the reverse." 

[3,11] (p45) After Fufetius had thus spoken, Tullius answered and said: 
"The right which is derived from Nature and the virtue of one's ancestors, Fufetius 
and ye men of Alba, is common to us both; for we both boast the same ancestors, so 
that on this score neither of use ought to have any advantage or suffer any 
disadvantage. But as to your claim that by a kind of necessary law of Nature mother-
cities should invariably rule over their colonies, it is neither true nor just. Indeed, 
there are many races of mankind among which the mother-cities do not rule over 
their colonies but are subject to them. The greatest and the most conspicuous 
instance of this is the Spartan state, which claims the right not only to rule over the 
other Greeks but even over the Doric nation, of which she is a colony. But why 
should I mention the others? For you who colonized our city are yourself a colony of 
the Lavinians. If, therefore, it is a law of Nature that the mother-city should rule over 
its colony, would not the Lavinians be the first to issue their just orders to both of us? 
To your first claim, then, and the one which carries with it the most specious 
appearance, this is a sufficient answer. But since you also undertook to compare the 
ways of life of the two cities, Fufetius, asserting that the nobility of the Albans has 
always remained the same while ours has been 'corrupted' by the various admixtures 
of foreigners, and demanded that the base-born should not rule over the well-born 
nor (p47) newcomers over the native-born, know, then, that in making this claim, too, 
you are greatly mistaken. For we are so far from being ashamed of having made the 
privileges of our city free to all who desired them that we even take the greatest pride 
in this course; moreover, we are not the originators of this admirable practice, but 
took the example from the city of Athens, which enjoys the greatest reputation among 
the Greeks, due in no small measure, if indeed not chiefly, to this very policy. And 
this principle, which has been to us the source of many advantages, affords us no 
ground either for complaint or regret, as if we had committed some error. Our chief 
magistracies and membership in the senate are held and the other honours among us 
are enjoyed, not by men possessed of great fortunes, nor by those who can show a 
long line of ancestors all natives of the country, but by such as are worthy of these 
honours; for we look upon the nobility of men as consisting in nothing else than in 
virtue. The rest of the populace are the body of the commonwealth, contributing 
strength and power to the decisions of the best men. It is owing to this humane policy 
that our city, from a small and contemptible beginning, is become large and 
formidable to its neighbours, and it is this policy which you condemn, Fufetius, that 
his laid for trains the foundation of that supremacy which none of the other Latins 
disputes with us. For the power of states consists in the force of arms, and this in 
turn depends upon a multitude of citizens; whereas, for small states that are sparsely 
populated and for that reason weak it (p49) is not possible to rule others, nay, even to 
rule themselves. On the whole, I am of the opinion that a man should only then 
disparage the government of other states and extol his own when he can show that his 
own, by following the principles he lays down, is grown flourishing and great, and 
that the states he censures, by not adopting them, are in an unhappy plight. But this 
is not our situation. On the contrary, your city, beginning with greater brilliance and 
enjoying greater resources than ours, has shrunk to lesser importance, while we, from 
small beginnings at first, have in a short time made Rome greater than all the 
neighbouring cities by following the very policies you condemned. And as for our 
factional strife — since this also, Fufetius, met with your censure — it tends, not to 
destroy and diminish the commonwealth, but to preserve and enhance it. For there is 
emulation between our youths and our older men and between the newcomers and 
those who invited them in, to see which of us shall do more for the common welfare. 
 In short, those who are going to rule others ought to be endowed with these two 
qualities, strength in war and prudence in counsel, both of which are present in our 
case. And that this is no empty boast, experience, more powerful than any argument, 
bears us witness. It is certain in any case that the city could not have attained to such 
greatness and power in the third generation after its founding, had not both valour 
and prudence abounded in it. Suffer proof of its strength is afforded by the behaviour 
of many cities of the Latin race which owe their founding to you, but (p51) which, 
nevertheless, scorning your city, have come over us, choosing rather to be ruled by 
the Romans than by the Albans, because they look upon us as capable of doing both 
good to our friends and harm to our enemies, and upon you as capable of neither. 
I had many other arguments, and valid ones, Fufetius, to advance against the claims 
which you have presented; but as I see that argument is futile and that the result will 
be the same whether I say much or little to you, who, though our adversaries, are at 
the same time the arbiters of justice, I will make an end of speaking. However, since 
I conceive that there is but one way of deciding our differences which is the best and 
has been made use of by many, both barbarians and Greeks, when hatred has arisen 
between them either over the supremacy or over some territory in dispute, I shall 
propose this and then conclude. Let each of us fight the battle with some part of our 
forces and limit the fortune of war to a very small number of combatants; and let us 
give to that city whose champions shall overcome their adversaries the supremacy 
over the other. For such contests as cannot be determined by arguments are decided 
by arms." 

[3,12] These were the reasons urged by the two generals to support the pretensions of 
their respective cities to the supremacy; and the outcome of the discussion was the 
adoption of the plan Tullius proposed. For both the Albans and (p53) Romans who were 
present at the conference, in their desire to put a speedy end to the war, resolved to 
decide the controversy by arms. This also being agreed to, the question arose 
concerning the number of the combatants, since the two generals were not of the 
same mind. For Tullius desired that the fate of the war might be decided by the 
smallest possible number of combatants, the most distinguished man among the 
Albans fighting the bravest of the Romans in single combat, and he cheerfully offered 
himself to fight for his own country, inviting the Alban leader to emulate him. He 
pointed out that for those who have assumed the command of armies combats for 
sovereignty and power are glorious, not only when they conquer brave men, but also 
when they are conquered by the brave; and he enumerated all the generals and kings 
who had risked their lives for their country, regarding it as a reproach to them to have 
a greater share of the honours than others but a smaller share of the dangers. The 
Alban, however, while approving of the proposal to commit the fate of the cities to a 
few champions, would not agree to decide it by single combat. He owned that when 
commanders of the armies were seeking to establish their own power a combat 
between them for the supremacy was noble and necessary, but when states 
themselves were contending for the first place he thought the risk of single combat 
not only hazardous but even dishonourable, whether they met with good or ill 
fortune. And he proposed that three chosen men (p55) from each city should fight in 
the presence of all the Albans and Romans, declaring that this was the most suitable 
number for deciding any matter in controversy, as containing in itself a beginning, a 
middle and an end. This proposal meeting with the approval of both Romans and 
Albans, the conference broke up and each side returned to its own camp. 

[3,13] After this the generals assembled their respective armies and gave them an 
account both of what they had said to each other and of the terms upon which they 
had agreed to put an end to the war. And both armies having with great approbation 
ratified the agreement entered into by their generals, there arose a wonderful 
emulation among the officers and soldiers alike, since a great many were eager to 
carry off the prize of valour in the combat and expressed their emulation not only by 
their words but also by their actions, so that their leaders found great difficulty in 
selecting the most suitable champions. For if anyone was renowned for his 
illustrious ancestry or remarkable for his strength of body, famous for some brave dee 
in action, or distinguished by some other good fortune or bold achievement, he 
insisted upon being chosen first among the three champions. This emulation, which 
was running to great lengths in both armies, was checked by the Alban general, who 
called to mind that some divine providence, long since foreseeing this conflict 
between the two cities, had arranged that their future champions should be sprung of 
no obscure families and should be brave (p57) in arms, most comely in appearance, and 
distinguished from the generality of mankind by their birth, which should be unusual 
and wonderful because of its extraordinary nature. It seems that Sicinius, an Alban, 
had at one and the same time married his twin daughters to Horatius, a Roman, and 
to Curiatius, an Alban; and the two wives came with child at the same time and each 
was brought to bed, at her first lying-in, of three male children. The parents, looking 
upon the event as a happy omen both to their cities and families, brought up all these 
children till they arrived at manhood. And Heaven, as I said in the beginning, gave 
them beauty and strength and nobility of mind, so that they were not inferior to any 
of those most highly endowed by Nature. It was to these men that Fufetius resolved to 
commit the combat for supremacy; and having invited the Roman king to a 
conference, he addressed him as follows: 

[3,14] "Tullius, some god who keeps watch over both our cities would seem, just as upon 
many other occasions, so especially in what relates to this combat to have made his 
goodwill manifest. For that the champions who are to fight on behalf of all their 
people should be found inferior to none in birth, brave in arms, most comely in 
appearance, and that they should furthermore have been born of one father and 
mother, and, most wonderful of all, that they should have come (p59) into the world on 
the same day, the Horatii with you and the Curiatii with us, all this, I say, has every 
appearance of a remarkable instance of divine favour. Why, therefore, do we not 
accept this great providence of the god and each of us invite the triplets on his side to 
engage in the combat for the supremacy? For not only all the other advantages which 
we could desire in the best-qualified champions are to be found in these men, but, as 
they are brothers, they will be more unwilling than any others among either the 
Romans or the Albans to forsake their companions when in distress; and 
furthermore, the emulation of the other youths, which cannot easily be appeased in 
any other way, will be promptly settled. For I surmise that among you also, as well as 
among the Albans, there is a kind of strife among many of those who lay claim to 
bravery; but if we inform them that some providential fortune has anticipated all 
human efforts and has itself furnished us with champions qualified to engage upon 
equal terms in the cause of the cities, we shall easily persuade them to desist. For they 
will then look upon themselves as inferior to the triplets, not in point of bravery, but 
only in respect of a special boon of Nature and of the favour of a Chance that is 
equally inclined toward both sides."  

[3,15] After Fufetius had thus spoken and his proposal had been received with general 
approbation (for the most important both of the Romans (p61) and Albans were with 
the two leaders), Tullius, after a short pause, spoke as follows: 
"In other respects, Fufetius, you seem to me to have reasoned well; for it must be 
some wonderful fortune that has produced in both our cities in our generation a 
similarity of birth never known before. But of one consideration you seem to be 
unaware — a matter which will cause great reluctance in the youths if we ask them to 
fight with one another. For the mother of our Horatii is sister to the mother of the 
Alban Curiatii, and the young men have been brought up in the arms of both the 
women and cherish and love one another no less than their own brothers. Consider, 
therefore, whether, as they are cousins and have been brought up together, it would 
not be impious in us to put arms in their hands and invite them to mutual slaughter. 
For the pollution of kindred blood, if they are compelled to stain their hands with one 
another's blood, will deservedly fall upon us who compel them." 
 To this Fufetius answered: "Neither have I failed, Tullius, to note the kinship of the 
youths, nor did I purpose to compel them to fight with their cousins unless they 
themselves were inclined to undertake the combat. But as soon as this plan came into 
my mind I sent for the Alban Curiatii and sacred them in private to learn whether 
they were willing to engage in the combat; and it was only after they had accepted the 
proposal with incredible and wonderful alacrity that I decided to disclose my plan 
and bring it forward for consideration. And I advise (p63) you to take the same course 
yourself — to send for the triplets on your side and sound out their disposition. And 
if they, too, agree of their own accord to risk their lives for their country, accept the 
favour; but if hesitate, bring no compulsion to bear upon them. I predict, however, 
the same result with them as with our own youths — that is, if they are such men as 
we have been informed, like the few most highly endowed by Nature, and are brave in 
arms; for the reputation of their valour has reached us also." 

[3,16] Tullius, accordingly, approved of this advice and made a truce for ten days, in 
order to have time to deliberate and give his answer after learning the disposition of 
the Horatii; and thereupon he returned to the city. During the following days he 
consulted with the most important men, and when the greater part of them favoured 
accepting the proposals of Fufetius, he sent for the three brothers and said to them: 
 Horatii, Fufetius the Alban informed me at a conference the last time we met at the 
camp that by divine providence three brave champions were at hand for each city, the 
noblest and most suitable of any we could hope to find — the Curiatii among the 
Albans and you among the Romans. He added that upon learning of this he had 
himself first inquired whether your cousins were willing to give their lives to their 
country, and that, finding them very eager to undertake the combat (p65) on behalf of all 
their people, he could now bring forward this proposal with confidence; and he asked 
me also to sound you out, to learn whether you would be willing to risk your lives for 
your country by engaging with the Curiatii, or whether you choose to yield this 
honour to others. I, in view of your valour and your gallantry in action, which are not 
concealed from public notice, assumed  that you of all others would embrace this 
danger for the sake of winning the prize of valour; but fearing lest you kinship with 
the three Alban brothers might prove an obstacle to your zeal, I requested time for 
deliberation and made a truce for ten days. And when I came here I assembled the 
senate and laid the matter before them for their consideration. It was the opinion of 
the majority that if you of your own free will accepted the combat, which is a noble 
one and worthy of you and which I myself was eager to wage alone on behalf of all our 
people, they should praise your resolution and accept the favour from you; but if, to 
avoid the pollution of kindred blood — for surely it would be no admission of 
cowardice on your part — you felt that those who are not related to them ought to be 
called upon to undertake the combat, they should bring no compulsion to bear upon 
you. This, then, being the vote of the senate, which will neither be offended with you 
if you show a reluctance to undertake the task nor feel itself under any slight 
obligation to you if you rate your country (p67) more highly than your kinship, 
deliberate carefully and well." 

[3,17] The youths upon hearing these words withdrew to one side, and after a short 
conference together returned to give their answer; and the eldest  on behalf of them 
all spoke as follows: "If we were free and sole masters of our own decisions, Tullius, 
and you had given us the opportunity to deliberate concerning the combat with our 
cousins, we should without further delay have given your our thoughts upon it. But 
since our father is still living, without whose advice we do not think it proper to say or 
do the least thing, we ask you to wait a short time for our answer till we have talked 
with him."Tullius having commended their filial devotion and told them to do as 
they proposed, they went home to their father. And acquainting him with the 
proposals of Fufetius and with what Tullius had said to them and, last of all, with 
their own answer, they desired his advice. And he answered and said: "But indeed 
this is dutiful conduct on your part, my sons, when you live for your father and do 
nothing without my advice. But it is time for you to show that you yourselves now 
have discretion in such matters at least. Assume, therefore, that my life is now over, 
and let me know what you yourselves would have chosen to do if you had deliberated 
without your father upon your own affairs."And the eldest answered him thus: 
(p69) "Father, we would have accepted this combat for the supremacy and would have 
been ready to suffer whatever should be the will of Heaven; for we had rather be dead 
than to live unworthy both of you and of our ancestors. As for the bond of kinship 
with our cousins, we shall not be the first to break it, but since it has already been 
broken by fate, we shall acquiesce therein. For if the Curiatii esteem kinship less 
than honour, the Horatii also will not value the ties of blood more highly than 
valour." Their father, upon learning their disposition, rejoiced exceedingly, and lifting 
his hands to Heaven, said he rendered thanks to the gods for having given him noble 
sons. Then, throwing his arms about each in turn and giving the tenderest of 
embraces and kisses, he said: "You have my opinion also, my brave sons. Go, then, to 
Tullius and give him the answer that is both dutiful and honourable."The youths 
went away pleased with the exhortation of their father, and going to the king, they 
accepted the combat; and he, after assembling the senate and sounding the praises of 
the youths, sent ambassadors to the Alban to inform him that the Romans accepted 
his proposal and would offer the Horatii to fight for the sovereignty. 

[3,18] As my subject requires not only that a full account of the way the battle was 
fought should be given, but also that the subsequent tragic events, which resemble 
the sudden reversals of fortune seen upon the stage, should be related in no 
perfunctory manner, I shall endeavour, as far as I am able, to give an accurate 
account of every (p71) incident. When the time came, then, for giving effect to the terms 
of the agreement, the Roman forces marched out in full strength, and afterwards the 
youths, when they had offered up their prayers to the gods of their fathers; they 
advanced accompanied by the king, while the entire throng that filed the city 
acclaimed them and strewed flowers upon their heads. By this time the Albans' army 
also had marched out. And when the armies had encamped near one another, 
leaving as an interval between their camps the boundary that separated the Roman 
territory from that of the Albans, each side occupying the site of its previous camp, 
they first offered sacrifice and swore over the burnt offerings that they would 
acquiesce in whatever fate the event of the combat between the cousins should allot 
to each city and that they would keep inviolate their agreement, neither they nor their 
posterity making use of any deceit. Then, after performing the rites which religion 
required, both the Romans and Albans laid aside their arms and came out in front of 
their camps to be spectators of the combat, leaving an interval of three or four stades 
for the champions. And presently appeared the Alban general conducting the Curiatii 
and the Roman king escorting the Horatii, all of them armed in the most splendid 
fashion and withal dressed like men about to die. When they came near to one 
another they gave their swords to their armour-bearers, and running to one another, 
embraced, weeping and calling each other by the tenderest names, so that all the 
spectators were moved to tears and accused both themselves and their leaders of 
great heartlessness, (p73) in that, when it was possible to decide the battle by other 
champions, they had limited the combat on behalf of the cities to men of kindred 
blood and compelled the pollution of fratricide. The youths, after their embraces were 
over, received their swords from their armour-bearers, and the bystanders having 
retired, they took their places according to age and began the combat. 

[3,19] For a time quiet and silence prevailed in both armies, and then there was 
shouting by both sides together and alternate exhortations to the combatants; and 
there were vows and lamentations and continual expressions of every other emotion 
experienced in battle, some of them caused by what was either being enacted or 
witnessed by each side, and others by their apprehensions of the outcome; and the 
things they imagined outnumbered those which actually were happening. For it was 
impossible to see very clearly, owing to the great distance, and the partiality of each 
side for their own champions interpreted everything that passed to match their 
desire; then, too, the frequent advances and retreats of the combatants and their 
many sudden countercharges rendered any accurate judgment out of the question; 
and this situation lasted a considerable time. For the champions on both sides not 
only were alike in strength of body but were well matched also in nobility of (p75) spirit, 
and they had their entire bodies protected by the choicest armour, leaving no part 
exposed which if wounded would bring on swift death. So that many, both of the 
Romans and of the Albans, from their eager rivalry and from their partiality for their 
own champions, were unconsciously putting themselves in the position of the 
combatants and desired rather to be actors in the drama that was being enacted than 
spectators. At last the eldest of the Albans, closing with his adversary and giving and 
receiving blow after blow, happened somehow to run his sword thru the Roman's 
groin. The latter was already stupefied from his other wounds, and now receiving this 
final low, a mortal one, he fell down dead, his limbs no longer supporting him. When 
the spectators of the combat saw this they all cried out together, the Albans as already 
victorious, the Romans as vanquished; for they concluded that their two champions 
would be easily dispatched by the three Albans. In the meantime, the Roman who had 
fought by the side of the fallen champion, seeing the Alban rejoicing in his success, 
quickly rushed upon him, and after inflicting many wounds and receiving many 
himself, happened to plunge his sword into his neck and killed him. After Fortune 
had thus in a short time made a great alteration both in the state of the combatants 
and in the feelings of the spectators, and the Romans had now recovered from their 
former dejection while the Albans had had their joy snatched away, another shift of 
Fortune, by giving a check to the success of the (p77) Romans, sunk their hopes and 
raised the confidence of their enemies. For when Alban fell, his brother who stood 
next to him closed with the Roman who had struck him down; and each, as it 
chanced, gave the other a dangerous wound at the same time, the Alban plunging his 
sword down through the Roman's back into his bowels, and the Roman throwing 
himself under the shield of his adversary and slashing one of his thighs. 

[3,20] The one who had received the mortal wound died instantly, and the other, who 
had been wounded in the thigh, was scarcely able to stand, but limped and frequently 
leaned upon his shield. Nevertheless, he still made a show of resistance and with his 
surviving brother advanced against the Roman, who stood his ground; and they 
surrounded him, one coming up to him from in front and the other from behind. The 
Roman, fearing that, being thus surrounded by them and obliged to fight with two 
adversaries attacking him from two sides, he might easily be overcome — he was still 
uninjured — hit upon the plan of separating his enemies and fighting each one singly. 
he thought he could most easily separate them by feigning flight; for then he would 
not be pursued by both the Albans, but only by one of them, since he saw that the 
other no longer had control of his limbs. With this thought in mind he fled as fast as 
he could; and it was his good fortune not to be disappointed in his expectation. For 
the (p79) Alban who was not mortally wounded followed at his heels, while the other, 
being unable to keep going was falling altogether too far behind. Then indeed the 
Albans encouraged their men and the Romans reproached their champion with 
cowardice, the former singing songs of triumph and crowning themselves with 
garlands as if the contest were already won, and the others lamenting as if Fortune 
would never raise them up again. But the Roman, having carefully waited for his 
opportunity, turned quickly and, before the Alban could put himself on his guard, 
struck him a blow on the arm with his sword and clove his elbow in twain,and when 
his hand fell to the ground together with his sword, he struck one more blow, a 
mortal one, and dispatched the Alban; then, rushing from him to the last of his 
adversaries, who was half dead and fainting, he slew him also. And taking the spoils 
from the bodies of his cousins, he hastened to the city, wishing to give his father the 
first news of his victory. 

[3,21] But it was ordained after all that even he, as he was but a mortal, should not be 
fortunate in everything, but should feel some stroke of the envious god who, having 
from an insignificant man made him great in a brief moment of time and raised him 
to wonderful and unexpected distinction, plunged him the same day into the unhappy 
state of being his sister's murderer. For when he arrived near the gates he saw a 
multitude of people of all conditions pouring out from the city and among them his 
sister running to meet him. At the first sight of her he was (p81) distressed that a virgin 
ripe for marriage should have deserted her household tasks at her mother's side and 
joined a crowd of strangers. And though he indulged in many absurd reflections, he 
was at last inclining to those which were honourable and generous, feeling that in her 
yearning to be the first to embrace her surviving brother and in her desire to receive 
an account from him of the gallant behaviour of her dead brothers she had 
disregarded decorum in a moment of feminine weakness. However, it was not, after 
all, her yearning for her brothers that had led her to venture forth in this unusual 
manner, but it was because she was overpowered by love for one of her cousins to 
whom her father had promised her in marriage, a passion which she had till then kept 
secret; and when she had overheard a man who came from the camp relating the 
details of the combat, she could no longer contain herself, but leaving the house, 
rushed to the city gates like a maenad, without paying any heed to her nurse who 
called her and ran to bring her back. But when she got outside the city and saw her 
brother exulting and wearing the garlands of victory with which the king had crowned 
him, and his friends carrying the spoils of the slain, among which was an 
embroidered robe which she herself with the assistance of her mother had woven and 
sent as a present to her betrothed against their nuptial day (for it is the custom of the 
Latins to array themselves in embroidered robes when they go to fetch their brides), 
when, therefore, she saw this robe stained with blood, she rent her garment, and 
beating (p83) her breast with both hands, fell to lamenting and calling upon her cousin 
by name, so that great astonishment came upon all who were present there. After 
she had bewailed the death of her betrothed she stared with fixed gaze at her brother 
and said: "Most abominable wretch, so you rejoice in having slain your cousins and 
deprived your most unhappy sister of wedlock! Miserable fellow! Why, you are not 
even touched with pity for your slain kinsmen, whom you were wont to call your 
brothers, but instead, as if you had performed some noble deed, you are beside 
yourself with joy and wear garlands in honour of such calamities. Of what wild beast, 
then, have you the heart?"And he, answering her, said: "The heart of a citizen who 
loves his country and punishes those who wish her ill, whether they happen to be 
foreigners or his own people. And among such I count even you; for though you know 
that the greatest of blessings and of woes have happened to us at one and the same 
time — I mean the victory of your country, which I, your brother, am bringing home 
with me, and the death of your brothers — you neither rejoice in the public happiness 
of your country, wicked wretch, nor grieve at the private calamities of your own 
family, but, overlooking your own brothers, you lament the fate of your betrothed, 
and this, too, not after taking yourself off somewhere alone under cover of darkness, 
curse you! but beforeΊ the eyes of the whole world; and you reproach me for my 
valour and my crowns of victory, you pretender to virginity, you hater of your 
brothers and disgrace to your ancestors! Since, therefore, you mourn, (p85) not for your 
brothers, but for your cousins, and since, though your body is with the living, your 
soul is with him who is dead, go to him on whom you call and cease to dishonour 
either your father or your brothers." 
After these words, being unable in his hatred of baseness to observe moderation, but 
yielding to the anger which swayed him, he ran his sword through her side; and 
having slain his sister, he went to his father. But so averse to baseness and so stern 
were the manners and thoughts of the Romans of that day and, to compare them with 
the actions and lives of those of our age, so cruel and harsh and so little removed from 
the savagery of wild beasts, that the father, upon being informed of this terrible 
calamity, far from resenting it, looked upon it as a glorious and becoming action. In 
fact, he would neither permit his daughter's body to be brought into the house nor 
allow her to be buried in the tomb of her ancestors or given any funeral or burial robe 
or other customary rites; but as she lay there where she had been cast, in the place 
where she was slain, the passers-by, bringing stones and earth, buried her like any 
corpse which had none to give it proper burial. Besides these instances of the father's 
severity there were still others that I shall mention. Thus, as if in gratitude for some 
glorious and fortunate achievements, he offered that very day to the gods of his 
ancestors the sacrifices he had vowed, and entertained his relations at a splendid  
banquet, just as upon the greatest (p87) festivals, making less account of his private 
calamities than of the public advantages of his country. 10This not only Horatius but 
many other prominent Romans after him are said to have done; I refer to their 
offering sacrifice and wearing crowns and celebrating triumphs immediately after the 
death of their sons when through them the commonwealth had met with good 
fortune. Of these I shall make mention in the proper places. 

[3,22] After the combat between the triplets, the Romans who were then in the camp 
buried the slain brothers in a splendid manner in the places where they had fallen, 
and having offered to the gods the customary sacrifices for victory, were passing their 
time in rejoicings. On the other side, the Albans were grieving over what had 
happened and blaming their leader for bad generalship; and the greatest part of them 
spent that night without food and without any other care for their bodies. The next 
day the king of the Romans called them to an assembly and consoled them with many 
assurances that he would lay no command upon them that was either dishonourable, 
grievous or unbecoming to kinsmen, but that with impartial judgment he would take 
thought for what was best and most advantageous for both cities; and having 
continued Fufetius, their ruler, in the same office and made no other change in the 
government, he led his army home. 
 After he had celebrated the triumph which the (p89) senate had decreed for him and 
had entered upon the administration of civil affairs, some citizens of importance 
came to him bringing Horatius for trial, on the ground that because of his slaying of 
his sister he was not free of the guilt of shedding a kinsman's blood; and being given a 
hearing, they argued at length, citing the laws which forbade the slaying of anyone 
without a trial, and recounting instances of the anger of all  the gods against the 
cities which neglected to punish those who were polluted. But the father spoke in 
defence of the youth and blamed his daughter, declaring that the act was a 
punishment, not a murder, and claiming that he himself was the proper judge of the 
calamities of his own family, since he was the father of both. And a great deal having 
been said on both sides, the king was in great perplexity what decision to pronounce 
in the cause. For he did not think it seemly either to acquit any person of murder 
who confessed he had put his sister to death before a trial — and that, too, for an act 
which the laws did not concede to be a capital offence — lest by so doing he should 
transfer the curse and pollution from the criminal to his own household, or to punish 
as a murderer any person who had chosen to risk his life for his country and had 
brought her so great power, especially as he was acquitted of blame by his father, to 
whom before all others both nature and the law gave the right of taking vengeance in 
the case of his daughter. Not knowing, therefore, how to deal with the situation, he 
at last decided it was best to leave the decision to the people. (p91) And the Roman 
people, becoming upon this occasion judges for the first time in a cause of a capital 
nature, sided with the opinion of the father and acquitted Horatius of the murder. 
Nevertheless, the king did not believe that the judgment thus passed upon Horatius 
by men was a sufficient atonement to satisfy those who desired to observe due 
reverence toward the gods; but sending for the pontiffs, he ordered them to appease 
the gods and other divinities and to purify Horatius with those lustrations with which 
it was customary for involuntary homicides to be expiated. The pontifs erected two 
altars, one to Juno, to whom the care of sisters is allotted, and the other to a certain 
god or lesser divinity of the country called in their language Janus, to whom was now 
added the name Curiatius, derived from that of the cousins who had been slain by 
Horatius;  and after they had offered certain sacrifices upon these altars, they finally, 
among other expiations, led Horatius under the yoke. It is customary among the 
Romans, when enemies deliver up their arms and submit to their power, to fix two 
pieces of wood upright in the ground and fasten a third to the top of them 
transversely, then to lead the captives under this structure, and after they have passed 
through, to grant them their liberty and leave to return home. This they call a yoke; 
and it was the last of the customary expiatory ceremonies used upon this occasion by 
those who purified Horatius. The place in the city where they performed this 
expiation is regarded by all the Romans (p93) as sacred; it is in the street that leads 
down from the Carinae as one goes towards Cuprius Street. Here the altars then 
erected still remain, and over them extends a beam which is fixed in each of the 
opposite walls; the beam lies over the heads of those who go out of this street and is 
called in the Roman tongue "the Sister's Beam."  This place, then, is still preserved in 
the city as a monument to this man's misfortune and honoured by the Romans with 
sacrifices every year. Another memorial of the bravery he displayed in the combat is 
the small corner pillar standing at the entrance to one of the two porticos  in the 
Forum, upon which were placed the spoils of the three Alban brothers. The arms, it is 
true, have disappeared because of the lapse of time, but the pillar still preserves its 
name and is called pila Horatia or "the Horatian Pillar."   The Romans also have a 
law, enacted in consequence of this episode and observed even to this day, which 
confers immortal honour and glory upon these men; it provides that the parents of 
triplets shall receive from the public treasury the cost of rearing them until they are 
green. With this, the incidents relating to the family of the Horatii, which showed 
some remarkable and unexpected reversals of fortune, came to an end. 

[3,23] The king of the Romans, after letting a year pass, during which he made the 
necessary (p95) preparations for war, resolved to lead out his army against the city of 
the Fidenates. The grounds he alleged for the war were that this people, being called 
upon to justify themselves in the matter of the plot that they had formed against the 
Romans and Albans, had paid no heed, but immediately taking up arms, shutting 
their gates, and bringing in the allied forces of the Veientes, had openly revolted, and 
that when ambassadors arrived from Rome to inquire the reason for their revolt, they 
had answered that they no longer had anything in common with the Romans since 
the death of Romulus, their king, to whom they had sworn their oaths of friendship. 
 Seizing on these grounds for war, Tullus was not only arming his own forces, but 
also sending for those of his allies. The most numerous as well as the best auxiliary 
troops were brought to him from Alba by Mettius Fufetius, and they were equipped 
with such splendid arms as to excel all the other allied forces. Tullus, therefore, 
believing that Mettius had been actuated by zeal and by the best motives in deciding 
to take part in the war, commended him and communicated to him all his plans. But 
this man, who was accused by his fellow citizens of having mismanaged the recent 
war and was furthermore charged with treason, in view of the fact that he continued 
in the supreme command of the city for the third year by order of Tullus, disdaining 
now to hold any longer a command that was subject to another's command or to be 
subordinated rather than himself to lead, devised an abominable plot. He sent 
ambassadors here and there secretly to the enemies of the Romans while they were as 
yet (p97) wavering in their resolution to revolt and encouraged them not to hesitate, 
promising that he himself would join them in attacking the Romans during the battle; 
and these activities and plans he kept secret from everybody. Tullus, as soon as he 
had got ready his own army as well as that of his allies, marched against the enemy 
and after crossing the river Anio encamped near Fidenae. And finding a considerable 
army both of the Fidenates and of their allies drawn up before the city, he lay quiet 
that day; but on the next he sent for Fufetius, the Alban, and the closest of his other 
friends and took counsel with them concerning the best method of conducting the 
war. And when all were in favour of engaging promptly and not wasting time, he 
assigned them their several posts and commands, and having fixed the next day for 
the battle, he dismissed the council. 
In the meantime Fufetius, the Alban — for his treachery was still a secret to many 
even of his own friends — calling together the most prominent centurions and 
tribunes among the Albans, addressed them as follows: 
"Tribunes and centurions, I am going to disclose to you important and unexpected 
things which I have hitherto been concealing; and I beg of you to keep them secret if 
you do not wish to ruin me, and to assist me in carrying them out if you think their 
realization will be advantageous. The present occasion does not permit of many 
words, as the time is short; so I shall mention only the most essential matters. 
I, from the time we were subordinated to the Romans up to this day, have led a life 
(p99) full of sham en grief, though honoured by the king with the supreme command, 
which I am now holding for the third year and may, if I should so desire, hold as long 
as I live. But regarding it as the greatest of all evils to be the only fortunate man in a 
time of public misfortune, and taking it to heart that, contrary to all the rights 
mankind look upon as sacred, we have been deprived by the Romans of our 
supremacy, I took thought how we might recover it without experiencing any great 
disaster. And although I considered many plans of every sort, the only way I could 
discover that promised success, and at the same time the easiest and the least 
dangerous one, was in hand a war should be started against them by the 
neighbouring states. For I assumed that when confronted by such a war they would 
have need of allies and particularly of us. As to the next step, I assumed that it would 
not require much argument to convince you that it is more glorious as well as more 
fitting to fight for our liberty than for the supremacy of the Romans. 
 "With these thoughts in mind I secretly stirred up a war against the Romans on the 
part of their subjects, encouraging the Veientes and Fidenates to take up arms by a 
promise of my assistance in the war. And thus far I have escaped the Romans' notice 
as I contrived these things and kept in my own hands the opportune moment for the 
attack. Just consider now the many advantages we shall derive from this course. 
 First, by not having openly planned a revolt, in which there would have been a 
double (p101) danger — either of being hurried or unprepared and of putting everything 
to the hazard while trusting to our own strength only, or, while we were making 
preparations and gathering assistance, of being forestalled by an enemy already 
prepared — we shall now experience neither of these difficulties but shall enjoy the 
advantage of both. In the next place, we shall not be attempting to destroy the great 
and formidable power and good fortune of our adversaries by force, but rather by 
those means by which every thing that is overbearing and not easy to be subdued by 
force is taken, namely, by guile and deceit; and we shall be neither the first nor the 
only people who have resorted to these means. Besides, as our own force is not 
strong enough to be arrayed against the whole power of the Romans and their allies, 
we have also added the forces of the Fidenates and the Veientes, whose great 
numbers you see before you; and I have taken the following precautions that these 
auxiliaries who have been added to our numbers may with all confidence be 
depended on to adhere to our alliance. For it will not be in our territory that the 
Fidenates will be fighting, but while they are defending their own country they will at 
the same time be protecting ours. Then, too, we shall have this advantage, which men 
look upon as the most gratifying of all and which has fallen to the lot of but few in 
times past, namely, that, while receiving a benefit from our allies, we shall ourselves 
be thought to be conferring one upon them. And if this enterprise turns out 
according to our wish, as (p103) is reasonable to expect, the Fidenates and the Veientes, 
in delivering us from a grievous subjection, will feel grateful to us, as if it were they 
themselves who had received this favour at our hands. 
"These are the preparations which I have made after much thought and which 
I regard as sufficient to inspire you with the courage and zeal to revolt. Now hear 
from me the manner in which I have planned to carry out the undertaking. Tullus has 
assigned me my post under the hill and has given me the command of one of the 
wings. When we are about to engage the enemy, I will break ranks and begin to lead 
up the hill; and you will then follow me with your companies in their proper order. 
When I have gained the top of the hill am securely posted, hear in what manner 
I shall handle the situation after that. If I find my plans turning out according to my 
wish, that is, if I see that the enemy has become emboldened through confidence in 
our assistance, and the Romans disheartened and terrified, in the belief that they 
have been betrayed by us, and contemplating, as they likely will, flight rather than 
fight, I will fall upon them and cover the field with the bodies of the slain, since I shall 
be rushing down hill from higher ground and shall be attacking with a courageous 
and orderly force men who are frightened and dispersed. For a terrible thing in 
warfare is the sudden impression, even though ill-grounded, of the treachery of allies 
or of an attack by fresh enemies, and we know that many great armies in the past 
have been utterly destroyed by no other kind of terror so much as by an impression 
for which there was no ground. But in our case it will be no vain report, no unseen 
terror, (p105) but a deed more dreadful than anything ever seen or experienced. If, 
however, I find that the contrary of my calculations is in fact coming to pass (for 
mention must be made also of those things which are wont to happen contrary to 
human expectations, since our lives bring us many improbable experiences as well), 
I too shall then endeavour to do the contrary of what I have just proposed. For I shall 
lead you against the enemy in conjunction with the Romans and shall share with 
them the victory, pretending that I occupied the heights with the intention of 
surrounding the foes drawn up against me; and my claim will seem credible, since 
I shall have made my actions agree with my explanation. Thus, without sharing in the 
dangers of either side, we shall have a part in the good fortune of both. 
"I, then, have determined upon these measures, and with the assistance of the gods 
I shall carry them out, as being the most advantageous, not only to the Albans, but 
also to the rest of the Latins. It is your part, in the first place, to observe secrecy, and 
next, to maintain good order, to obey promptly the orders you shall receive, to fight 
zealously yourselves and to infuse the same zeal into those who are under your 
command, remembering that we are not contending for liberty upon the same terms 
as other people, who have been accustomed to obey others and who have received 
that form of government from their ancestors. For we are freemen descended from 
freemen, and to us our ancestors have handed down the tradition of holding sway 
over our neighbours as a mode of life preserved by them for someone five hundred 
years; of which let us not deprive our posterity. And let none of you entertain (p107) the 
fear that by showing a will to do this he will be breaking a compact and violating the 
oaths by which it was confirmed; on the contrary, let him consider that he will be 
restoring to its original force the compact which the Romans have violated, a compact 
far from unimportant, but one which human nature has established and the universal 
law of both Greeks and barbarians confirms, namely, that fathers shall rule over and 
give just commands to their children, and mother-cities to their colonies.  This 
compact, which is forever inseparable from human nature, is not being violated by us, 
who demand that it shall always remain in force, and none of the gods or lesser 
divinities will be wroth with us, as guilty of an impious action, if we resent being 
slaves to our own posterity; but it is being violated by those who have broken it from 
the beginning and have attempted by an impious act to set up the law of man above 
that of Heaven. And it is reasonable to expect that the anger of the gods will be 
directed against them rather than against us, and that the indignation of men will fall 
upon them rather than upon us. 1If, therefore, you all believe that these plans will be 
the most advantageous, let us pursue them, calling the gods and other divinities to 
our assistance. But if any one of you is minded to the contrary and either believes that 
we ought never to recover the ancient dignity of our city, or, while awaiting a more 
favourable opportunity, favours deferring our undertaking for the present, let him not 
hesitate to propose his thoughts to the assembly. For we shall follow whatever plan 
meets with your unanimous approval." 

[3,24] Those who were present having approved (p109) of this advice and promised to 
carry out all his orders, he bound each of them by an oath and then dismissed the 
assembly. The next day the armies both of the Fidenates and of their allies marched 
out of their camp at sunrise and drew up in order of battle; and on the other side the 
Romans came out against them and took their positions. Tullus himself and the 
Romans formed the left wing, which was opposite to the Veientes (for these occupied 
the enemy's right), while Mettius Fufetius and the Albans drew up on the right wing 
of the Roman army, over against the Fidenates, beside the flank of the hill. When the 
armies drew near one another and before they came within range of each other's 
missiles, the Albans, separating themselves from the rest of the army, began to lead 
their companies up the hill in good order. The Fidenates, learning of this and feeling 
confident that the Albans' promises to betray the Romans were coming true before 
their eyes, now fell to attacking the Romans with greater boldness, and the right wing 
of the Romans, left unprotected by their allies, was being broken and was suffering 
severely; but the left, where Tullus himself fought among the flower of the cavalry, 
carried on the struggle vigorously. In the meantime a horseman rode up to those 
who were fighting under the king and said: "Our right wing is suffering, Tullus. For 
the Albans have deserted their posts and are hastening up to the heights, and the 
Fidenates, opposite to whom they were stationed, extend beyond our wing that is now 
left unprotected, and are going to surround (p111) us." The Romans, upon hearing this 
and seeing the haste with which the Albans were rushing up the hill, were seized with 
such fear of being surrounded by the enemy that it did not occur to them either to 
fight or to stand their ground. Thereupon Tullus, they say, not at all disturbed in 
mind by so great and so unexpected a misfortune, made use of a stratagem by which 
he not only saved the Roman army, which was threatened with manifest ruin, but 
also shattered and brought to nought all the plans of the enemy. For, as soon as he 
had heard the messenger, he raised his voice, so as to be heard even by the enemy, 
and cried:"Romans, we are victorious over the enemy. For the Albans have occupied 
for us this hill hard by, as you see, by my orders, so as to get behind the enemy and 
fall upon them. Consider, therefore, that we have our greatest foes where we want 
them, some of us attacking them in front and others in the rear, in a position where, 
being unable either to advance or to retire, hemmed in as they are on the flanks by 
the river and by the hill, they will make handsome atonement to us. Forward, then, 
and show your utter contempt of them." 

[3,25] These words he repeated as he rode past all the ranks. And immediately the 
Fidenates became afraid of counter-treachery, suspecting that the Alban had deceived 
them by a stratagem, since they did not see either that he had changed his battle 
order so as to face the other way or that he was promptly charging the Romans, 
according to his promise; (p113) but the Romans, on their side, were emboldened by the 
words of Tullus and filled with confidence, and giving a great shout, they rushed in a 
body against the enemy. Upon this, the Fidenates gave way and fled toward their city 
in disorder. The Roman king hurled his cavalry against them while they were in this 
fear and confusion, and pursued them for some distance; but when he learned that 
they were dispersed and separated from one another and neither likely to take 
thought for getting together again nor in fact able to do so, he gave over the pursuit 
and marched against those of the enemy whose ranks were still unbroken and 
standing their ground. And now there took place a brilliant engagement of the 
infantry and a still more brilliant one on the part of the cavalry. For the Veientes, who 
were posted at this point, did not give way in terror at the charge of the Roman horse, 
but maintained the fight for a considerable time. Then, learning that their left wing 
was beaten and that the whole army of the Fidenates and of their other allies was in 
headlong flight, and fearing to be surrounded by the troops that had returned from 
the pursuit, they also broke their ranks and fled, endeavouring to save themselves by 
crossing the river. Accordingly, those among them who were strongest, least 
disabled by their wounds, and had some ability to swim, got across the river, without 
their arms, while all who lacked any of these advantages perished in the eddies; for 
the stream of the Tiber near Fidenae is rapid and has many windings. Tullus ordered 
a detachment of the horse to cut down those of the (p115) enemy who were pressing 
toward the river, while he himself led the rest of the army to the camp of the Veientes 
and captured it by storm. This was the situation of the Romans after they had been 
unexpectedly preserved from destruction. 

[3,26] When the Alban observed that Tullus had already won a brilliant victory, he also 
marched down from the heights with his own troops and pursued those of the 
Fidenates who were fleeing, in order that he might be seen by all the Romans 
performing some part of the duty of an ally; and he destroyed many of the enemy who 
had become dispersed in the left. Tullus, though he understood his purpose and 
understood his double treachery, thought he ought to utter no reproaches for the 
present till he should have the man in his power, but addressing himself to many of 
those who were present, he pretended to applaud the Alban's withdrawal to the 
heights, as if it had been prompted by the best motive; and sending a party of horse to 
him, he requested him to give the final proof of his zeal by hunting down and slaying 
the many Fidenates who had been unable to get inside the walls and were dispersed 
about the country. And Fufetius, imagining that he had succeeded in one of his two 
hopes and that Tullus was unacquainted with his treachery, rejoiced, and riding over 
the plains for a considerable time, he cut down all whom he found; but when the sun 
was now set, he returned from the pursuit with his horsemen to the Roman camp and 
pas the following night in making merry with his friends. 
 Tullus remained in the camp of the Veientes till the first watch and questioned the 
most prominent of the prisoners concerning the leaders of the revolt; (p117) and when 
he learned that Mettius Fufetius, the Alban, was also one of the conspirators and 
considered that his actions agreed with the information of the prisoners, he mounted 
his horse, and taking with him the most faithful of his friends, rode off to Rome. 
Then, sending to the houses of the senators, he assembled them before midnight and 
informed them of the treachery of the Alban, producing the prisoners as witnesses, 
and informed them of the stratagem by which he himself had outwitted both their 
enemies and the Fidenates. 30 And he asked them, now that the war was ended in the 
most successful manner, to consider the problems that remained — how the traitors 
ought to be punished and the city of Alba rendered more circumspect for the future. 
That the authors of these wicked designs should be punished seemed to all both just 
and necessary, but how this was to be most easily and safely accomplished was a 
problem that caused them great perplexity. For they thought it obviously impossible 
to put to death a great number of brave Albans in a secret and clandestine manner, 
whereas, if they should attempt openly to apprehend and punish the guilty, they 
assumed that the Albans would not permit it but would rush to arms; and they were 
unwilling to carry on war at the same time with the Fidenates and Tyrrhenians and 
with the Albans, who had come to them as allies. While they were in this perplexity, 
Tullus delivered the final opinion, which met with the approval of all; but of this 
I shall speak presently. 
(p119) The distance between Fidenae and Rome being forty stades, Tullus rode full 
speed to the camp, and sending for Marcus Horatius, the survivor of the triplets, 
before it was quite day, he commanded him to take the flower of the cavalry and 
infantry, and proceeding to Alba, to enter the city as a friend, and then, as soon as he 
had secured the submission of the inhabitants, to raze the city to the foundations 
without sparing a single building, whether private or public, except the temples; but 
as for the citizens, he was neither to kill nor injure any of them, but to permit them to 
retain their possessions. After sending him on his way he assembled the tribunes 
and centurions, and having acquainted them with the resolutions of the senate, he 
placed them as a guard about his person. Soon after, the Alban came, pretending to 
express his joy over their common victory and to congratulate Tullus upon it. The 
latter, still concealing his intention, commended him and declared he was deserving 
of great rewards; at the same time he asked him to write down the names of such of 
the other Albans also as had performed any notable exploit in the battle and to bring 
the list to him, in order that they also might get their share of the fruits of victory. 
 Mettius, accordingly, greatly pleased at this, entered upon a tablet and gave to him a 
list of his most intimate friends who had been the accomplices in his secret designs. 
Then the Roman king ordered all the troops to come to an assembly after first laying 
aside their arms. And when they assembled he ordered the Alban general together 
with his tribunes and centurions to stand directly beside the tribunal; next to these 
the rest of (p121) the Albans were to take their place in the assembly, drawn up in their 
ranks, and behind the Albans the remainder of the allied forces, while outside of them 
all he stationed Romans, including the most resolute, with swords concealed under 
their garments. When he thought he had his foes where he wanted them, he rose up 
and spoke as follows: 

[3,28] "Romans and you others, both friends and allies, those who dared openly to 
make war against us, the Fidenates and their allies, have been punished by us with 
the aid of the gods, and either will cease for the future to trouble us or will receive an 
even severer chastisement than that they have just experienced. It is now time, since 
our first enterprise has succeeded to our wish, to punish those other enemies also 
who ear the name of friends and were taken into this war to assist us in harrying our 
common foes, but have broken faith with us, and entering into secret treaties with 
those enemies, have attempted to destroy us all. For these are much worse than open 
enemies and deserve a severer punishment, since it is both easy to guard against the 
latter when one is treacherously attacked and possible to repulse them when they are 
at grips as enemies, but when friends act the part of enemies it is neither easy to 
guard against them nor possible for those who are taken by surprise to repulse them. 
And such are the allies sent us by the city of Alba with treacherous intent, although 
they have received no injury from us but many considerable benefits. For, as we are 
their colony, we have not wrested away any (p123) part of their dominion but have 
acquired our own strength and power from our own wars; and by making our city a 
bulwark against the greatest and most warlike nations we have effectually secured 
them from a war with the Tyrrhenians and Sabines. In the prosperity, therefore, of 
our city they above all others should have rejoiced, and have grieved at its adversity 
no less than at their own. But they, it appears, continued not only to begrudge us the 
advantages we had but also to begrudge themselves the good fortune they enjoyed 
because of us, and at last, unable any longer to contain their festering hatred, they 
declared war against us. But finding us well prepared for the struggle and themselves, 
therefore, in no condition to do any harm, they invited us to a reconciliation and 
friendship and asked that our strife over the supremacy should be decided by three 
men from each city. These proposals also we accepted, and after winning in the 
combat became masters of their city. Well, then, what did we do after that?Though 
it was in our power to take hostages from them, to leave a garrison in their city, to 
destroy some of the principal authors of the war between the two cities and to banish 
others, to change the form of their government according to our own interest, to 
punish them with the forfeiture of a part of their lands and effects, and — the thing 
that was easiest of all — to disarm them, by which means we should have 
strengthened our rule, we did not see fit to do any of these things, but, consulting our 
filial obligations to our mother-city rather than the security of our power and 
considering the good opinion of all the world as more important than our (p125) own 
private advantage, we allowed them to enjoy all that was theirs and permitted Mettius 
Fufetius, as being supposedly the best of the Albans — since they themselves had 
honoured him with the chief magistracy — to administer their affairs up to the 
present time. 
"For which favours hear now what gratitude they showed, at a time when we needed 
the goodwill of our friends and allies more than ever. They made a secret compact 
with our common enemies by which they engaged to fall upon us in conjunction with 
them in the course of the battle; and when the two armies approached each other they 
deserted the post to which they had been assigned and made off for the hills near by 
at a run, eager to occupy the strong positions ahead of anyone else. And if their 
attempt had succeeded according to their wish, nothing could have prevented us, 
surrounded at once by our enemies and by our friends, from being all destroyed, and 
the fruit of the many battles we had fought for the sovereignty of our city from being 
lost in a single day. But since their plan has miscarried, owing, in the first place, to 
the goodwill of the gods (for I at any rate ascribe all worthy achievements to them), 
and, second, to the stratagem I made use of, which contributed not a little to inspire 
the enemy with fear and you with confidence (for the statement I made during the 
battle, that the Albans were taking possession of the heights by my orders with a view 
of surrounding the enemy, was all a fiction and a stratagem contrived by myself), 
since, I say, things have turned out to our advantage, we should not be (p127) the men 
we ought to be if we did not take revenge on these traitors. For, apart from the other 
ties which, by reason of their kinship to us, they ought to have preserved inviolate, 
they recently made a treaty with us confirmed by oaths, and then, without either 
fearing the gods whom they had made witnesses of the treaty or showing any regard 
for justice itself and the condemnation of men, or considering the greatness of the 
concerning if their treachery should not succeed according to their wish, endeavoured 
to destroy us, who are both their colony and their benefactors, in the most miserable 
fashion, thus arraying themselves, though our founders, on the side of our most 
deadly foes and our greatest enemies." 

[3,29] While he was thus speaking the Albans had recourse to lamentations and 
entreaties of every kind, the common people declaring that they had no knowledge of 
the intrigues of Mettius, and their commanders alleging that they had not learned of 
his secret plans till they were in the midst of the battle itself, when it was not in their 
power either to prevent his orders or to refuse obedience to them; and some even 
ascribed their action to the necessity imposed against their will by their affinity or 
kinship to the man. But the king, having commanded them to be silent,addressed 
them thus: 
"I, too, Albans, am not unaware of any of these things that you urge in your defence, 
but am of the opinion that the generality of you had no knowledge of this treachery, 
since secrets are not apt to be kept even for a moment when many share in the 
knowledge of them; and I also believe that only a small number of the tribunes and 
centurions were accomplices in (p129) the conspiracy formed against us, but that the 
greater part of them were deceived and forced into a position where they were 
compelled to act against their will. Nevertheless, even if nothing of all this were true, 
but if all the Albans, as well you who are here present as those who are left in your 
city, had felt a desire to hurt us, and if you had not now for the first time, but long 
since, taken this resolution, yet on account of their kinship to you the Romans would 
feel under every necessity to bear even this injustice at your hands. But against the 
possibility of your forming some wicked plot against us hereafter, as the result either 
of compulsion or deception on the part of the leaders of your state, there is but one 
precaution and provision, and that is for us all to become citizens of the same city and 
to regard one only as our fatherland, in whose prosperity and adversity everyone will 
have that share which Fortune allots to him. For so long as each of our two peoples 
decides what is advantageous and disadvantageous on the basis of a different 
judgment, as is now the case, the friendship between us will not be enduring, 
particularly when those who are the first to plot against the others are either to gain 
an advantage if they succeed, or, if they fail, are to be secured by their kinship from 
any serious retribution, while those against whom the attempt is made, if they are 
subdued, are to suffer the extreme penalties, and if they escape, are not, like enemies, 
to remember their wrongs — as has happened in the present instance. 
5"Know, then, that the Romans last night came to the following resolutions, I myself 
having assembled the senate and proposed the decree: it is ordered (p131) that your city 
be demolished and that no buildings, either public or private, be left standing except 
the temples;that all the inhabitants, while continuing in the possession of the 
allotments of land they now enjoy and being deprived of none of their slaves, cattle 
and other effects, reside henceforth at Rome; that such of your lands as belong to the 
public be divided among those of the Albans who have none, except the sacred 
possessions from which the sacrifices to the gods were provided; that I take charge of 
the construction of the houses in which you newcomers are to establish your homes, 
determining in what parts of the city they shall be, and assist the poorest among you 
in the expense of building;that the mass of your population be incorporated with 
our plebeians and be distributed among the tribes and curiae, but that the following 
families be admitted to the senate, hold magistracies and be numbered with the 
patricians, to wit, the Julii, the Servilii, the Curiatii, the Quintilii, the Cloelii, the 
Geganii, and the Metilii;31 and that Mettius and his accomplices in the treachery 
suffer such punishments as we shall ordain when we come to sit in judgment upon 
each of the accused. For we shall deprive none of them either of a trial or of the 
privilege of making a defence." 

[3,30] At these words of Tullus the poorer sort of the Albans were very well satisfied to 
become residents of Rome and to have lands allotted to them, and they received with 
loud acclaim the terms (p133) granted them. But those among them who were 
distinguished for their dignities and fortunes were grieved at the thought of having to 
leave the city of their birth and to abandon the hearths of their ancestors and pass the 
rest of their lives in a foreign country; nevertheless, being reduced to the last 
extremity, they could think of nothing to say. Tullus, seeing the disposition of the 
multitude, ordered Mettius to make his defence, if he wished to say anything in 
answer to the charges. But he, unable to justify himself against the accusers and 
witnesses, said that the Alban senate had secretly given him these orders when he led 
his army forth to war, and he asked the Albans, for whom he had endeavoured to 
recover the supremacy, to come to his aid and to permit neither their city to be razed 
nor the most illustrious of the citizens to be haled to punishment. Upon this, a tumult 
arose in the assembly and, some of them rushing to arms, those who surrounded the 
multitude, upon a given signal, held up their swords. And when all were terrified, 
Tullus rose up again and said: "It is no longer in your power, Albans, to act 
seditiously or even to make any false move. For if you dare attempt any disturbance, 
you shall all be slain by these troops (pointing to those who held their swords in their 
hands). Accept, then, the terms offered to you and become henceforth Romans. For 
you must do one of two things, either live at Rome or have no other country. For 
early this (p135) morning Marcus Horatius set forth, sent by me, to raze your city to the 
foundations and to remove all the inhabitants to Rome. Knowing, then, that these 
orders are as good as executed already, cease to court destruction and do as you are 
bidden. As for Mettius Fufetius, who has not only laid snares for us in secret but even 
now has not hesitated to call the turbulent and seditious to arms, I shall punish him 
in such manner as his wicked and deceitful heart deserves." 
 At these words, that part of the assembly which was in an irritated mood, cowered in 
fear, restrained by inevitable necessity. Fufetius alone still showed his resentment 
and cried out, appealing to the treaty which he himself was convicted of having 
violated, and even in his distress abated nothing of his boldness; but the lictors seized 
him at the command of King Tullus, and tearing off his clothes, scourged his body 
with many stripes. After he had been sufficiently punished in this manner, they 
brought up two teams of horses and with long traces fastened his arms to one of them 
and his feet to the other; then, as the drivers urged their teams apart, the wretch was 
mangled upon the ground and, being dragged by the two teams in opposite 
directions, was soon torn apart. This was the miserable and shameful end of Mettius 
Fufetius. For the trial of his friends and the accomplices of his treachery the king set 
up courts and put to death such of the accused as were found guilty, pursuant to the 
law respecting deserters and traitors. 

[3,31] In the meantime Marcus Horatius, who (p137) had been sent on with the picked 
troops to destroy Alba, having quickly made the march and finding the gates open 
and the walls unguarded, easily made himself master of the city. Then, assembling 
the people, he informed them of everything which had happened during the battle 
and read to them the decree of the Roman senate. And though the inhabitants had 
recourse to supplications and begged for time in which to send an embassy, he 
proceeded without any delay to raze the houses and walls and every other building, 
both public and private; but he conducted the inhabitants to Rome with great care, 
permitting them to take their animals and their goods with them. And Tullus, upon 
arriving from the camp, distributed them among the Roman tribes and curiae, 
assisted them in building houses in such parts of the city as they themselves 
preferred, allotted a sufficient portion of the public lands to those of the labouring 
class, and by other acts of humanity relieved the needs of the multitude. Thus the 
city of Alba, which had been built by Ascanius, the son whom Aeneas, Anchises' son, 
had by Creusa, the daughter of Priam, after having stood for four hundred and eighty-
seven years from its founding, during which time it had greatly increased in 
population, wealth and every form of prosperity, and after having colonized the thirty 
cities of the Latins and during all this time held the leadership of that nation, was 
destroyed by the last colony it had planted, and remains uninhabited to this day. 
(p139) King Tullus, after letting the following winter pass, led out his army once more 
against the Fidenates at the beginning of spring. These had publicly received no 
assistance whatever from any of the cities in alliance with them, but some 
mercenaries had resorted to them from many places, and relying upon these, they 
were emboldened to come out from their city; then, after arraying themselves for 
battle and slaying many in the struggle that ensued and losing even more of their own 
men, they were again shut up inside the town. And when Tullus had surrounded the 
city with palisades and ditches and reduced those within to the last extremity, they 
were obliged to surrender themselves to the king upon his own terms. Having in this 
manner become master of the city, Tullus put to death the authors of the revolt, but 
released all the rest, leaving them in the enjoyment of all their possessions in the 
same manner as before and restoring to them their previous form of government. He 
then disbanded his army, and returning to Rome, rendered to the gods the trophy-
bearing procession and sacrifices of thanksgiving, this being the second triumph he 
celebrated. 

[3,32] After this war another arose against the Romans on the part of the Sabine 
nation, the beginning and occasion of which was this. There is a sanctuary, honoured 
in common by the Sabines and the Latins, that is held in the greatest reverence and is 
dedicated to a goddess named Feronia; some of those who translate the name into 
Greek call her Anthophoros or "Flower Bearer," others Philostephanos or "Lover of 
Garlands," and still others (p141) Persephonκ. To this sanctuary people used to resort 
from the neighbouring cities on the appointed days of festival, many of them 
performing vows and offering sacrifice to the goddess and many with the purpose of 
trafficking during the festive gathering as merchants, artisans and husbandmen; and 
here were held fairs more celebrated than in any other places in Italy. At this festival 
some Romans of considerable importance happened to be present on a certain 
occasion and were seized by some of the Sabines, who imprisoned them and robbed 
them of their money. And when an embassy was sent concerning them, the Sabines 
refused to give any satisfaction, but retained both the persons and the money of the 
men whom they had seized, and in their turn accused the Romans of having received 
the fugitives of the Sabines by establishing a sacred asylum (of which I gave an 
account in the preceding Book). As a result of these accusations the two nations 
became involved in war, and when both had taken the field with large forces a pitched 
battle occurred between them; and both sides continued to fight with equal fortunes 
until night parted them, leaving the victory in doubt. During the following days both 
of them, upon learning the number of the slain and wounded, were unwilling to 
hazard another battle but left their camps and retired. 
 They let that year pass without further action, and then, having increased their 
forces, they again marched out against one another and near the city of (p143) Eretum, 
distant one hundred and sixty stades from Rome, engaged in a battle in which many 
fell on both sides. And when that battle also continued doubtful for a long time, 
Tullus, lifting his hands to heaven, made a vow to the gods that if he conquered the 
Sabines that day he would institute public festivals in honour of Saturn and Ops (the 
Romans celebrate them every year after they have gathered in all the fruits of the 
earth)35 and would double the number of the Salii, as they are called. These are youths 
of noble families who at appointed times dance, fully armed, to the sound of the flute 
and sing certain traditional hymns, as I have explained in the preceding Book. 36After 
this vow the Romans were filled with a kind of confidence and, like fresh troops 
falling on those that are exhausted, they at last broke the enemy's line in the late 
afternoon and forced the first ranks to begin flight. Then, pursuing them as they fled 
to their camp, they cut down many more round the trenches, and even then did not 
turn back, but having stayed there the following night and cleared the ramparts of 
their defenders, they made themselves masters of the camp. After this action they 
ravaged as much of the territory of the Sabines as they wished, but when no one any 
longer came out against them to protect the country, they returned home. Because of 
this victory the king triumphed a third time; and not long afterwards, when the 
Sabines sent ambassadors, he put an end to the war, having first received from 
them the captives that they had taken in their foraging expeditions, together with 
the deserters, and levied the penalty which the Roman senate, estimating the damage 
at a certain sum of money, had imposed upon them for the cattle, the beasts of 
burden and the other effects that they had taken from the husbandmen. 

[3,33] Although the Sabines had ended the war upon these conditions and had set up 
pillars in their temples on which the terms of the treaty were inscribed, nevertheless, 
as soon as the Romans were engaged in a war not likely to be soon terminated against 
the cities of the Latins, who had all united against them, for reasons which I shall 
presently mention, they welcomed the situation and forgot those oaths and the 
treaty as much as if they never had been made. And thinking that they now had a 
favourable opportunity to recover from the Romans many times as much money as 
they had paid them, they went out, at first in small numbers and secretly, and 
plundered the neighbouring country;but afterwards many met together and in an 
open manner, and since their first attempt had turned out as they wished and no 
assistance had come to the defence of the husbandmen, they despised their enemies 
and proposed to march even on Rome itself, for which purpose they were gathering 
an army out of every city. They also made overtures to the cities of the Latins with 
regard to an alliance,but were not able to conclude a treaty of friendship and 
alliance with that nation. For Tullus, being informed of their intention, made a truce 
with the Latins and (p147) determined to march against the Sabines; and to this end he 
armed all the forces of the Romans, which since he had annexed the Alban state, were 
double the number they had been before, and sent to his other allies for all the troops 
they could furnish. The Sabines, too, had already assembled their army, and when 
the two forces drew near one another they encamped near a place called the Knaves' 
Wood, leaving a small interval between them. The next day they engaged and the 
fight continued doubtful for a long time; but at length, in the late afternoon, the 
Sabines gave way, unable to stand before the Roman horse, and many of them were 
slain in the flight. The Romans stripped the spoils from the dead, plundered their 
camp and ravaged the best part of the country, after which they returned home. This 
was the outcome of the war that occurred between the Romans and the Sabines in the 
reign of Tullus. 

[3,34] The cities of the Latins now became at odds with the Romans for the first time, 
being unwilling after the razing of the Albans' city to yield the leadership to the 
Romans who had destroyed it. It seems that when fifteen years had passed after the 
destruction of Alba the Roman king, sending embassies to the thirty cities which had 
been at once colonies and subjects of Alba, summoned them to obey the orders of the 
Romans, inasmuch as the Romans had succeeded to the Alban's supremacy over the 
Latin race as well as to everything else that the Albans had (p149) possessed. He pointed 
out that there were two methods of acquisition by which men became masters of what 
had belonged to others, one the result of compulsion, the other of choice, and that the 
Romans had by both these methods acquired the supremacy over the cities which the 
Albans had held. For when the Albans had become enemies of the Romans, the latter 
had conquered them by arms, and after the others had lost their own city the Romans 
had given them a share in theirs, so that it was but reasonable that the Albans both 
perforce and voluntarily should yield to the Romans the sovereignty they had 
exercised over their subjects. The Latin cities gave no answer separately to the 
ambassadors, but in a general assembly of the whole nation held at Ferentinum  they 
passed a vote not to yield the sovereignty to the Romans, and immediately chose two 
generals, Ancus Publicius of the city of Cora and Spusius Vecilius of Lavinium, and 
invested them with absolute power with regard to both peace and war. These were 
the causes of the war between the Romans and their kinsmen, a war that lasted for 
five years and was carried on more or less like a civil war and after the ancient 
fashion. For, as they never engaged in pitched battles with all their forces ranged 
against all those of the foe, no great disaster occurred nor any wholesale slaughter, 
and none of their cities went through the experience of being razed or enslaved or 
suffer any other irreparable calamity as the result of being captured in war; but 
making incursions into one another's country when the cornΊ was ripe, they foraged 
it, and (p151) them returning home with their armies, exchanged prisoners. However, 
one city of the Latin nation called Medullia, which earlier had become a colony of the 
Romans in the reign of Romulus, as I stated in the preceding Book,  and had revolted 
again to their countrymen, was brought to terms after a siege by the Roman king and 
persuaded not to revolt for the future; but no other of the calamities which wars bring 
in their train was felt by either side at that time. Accordingly, as the Romans were 
eager for peace, a treaty was readily concluded that left no rancour.  

[3,35] These were the achievements performed during his reign by King Tullus 
Hostilius, a man worthy of exceptional praise for his boldness in war and his 
prudence in the face of danger, but, above both these qualifications, because, though 
he was not precipitate in entering upon a war, when he was once engaged in it he 
steadily pursued it until he had the upper hand in every way over his adversaries. 
After he had reigned thirty-two years he lost his life when his house caught fire, and 
with him his wife and children and all his household perished in the flames. Some 
say that his house was set on fire by a thunderbolt, Heaven having become angered at 
his neglect of some sacred rites (for they say that in his reign some ancestral sacrifices 
were omitted and that he introduced others that were foreign to the Romans), but the 
majority state that the disaster was due to human treachery and ascribe it to Marcius, 
who (p153) ruled the state after him. For they say that this man, who was the son of 
Numa Pompilius' daughter, was indignant at being in a private station himself, 
though of royal descent, and seeing that Tullus had children growing up, he suspected 
very strongly that upon the death of Tullus the kingdom would fall to them. With 
these thoughts in mind, they say, he had long since formed a plot against the king, 
and had many of the Romans aiding him to gain the sovereignty; and being a friend 
of Tullus and one of his closest confidants, he was watching for a suitable opportunity 
to appear for making his attack. Accordingly, when Tullus proposed to perform a 
certain sacrifice at home which he wished only his near relations to know about and 
that day chanced to be very stormy, with rain and sleet and darkness, so that those 
who were upon guard before the house had left their station, Marcius, looking upon 
this as a favourable opportunity, entered the house together with his friends, who had 
swords under their garments, and having killed the king and his children and all the 
rest whom he encountered, he set fire to the house in several places, and after doing 
this spread the report that the fire had been due to a thunderbolt. But for my part 
I do not accept this story, regarding it as neither true nor plausible, but I subscribe 
rather to the former account, believing that Tullus met with this end by the judgment 
of Heaven. For, in the first place, it is improbable that the undertaking in which so 
many were concerned could have been kept secret, and, besides, the author (p155) of it 
could not be certain that after the death of Hostilius the Romans would choose him as 
king of the state; furthermore, even if men were loyal to him and steadfast, yet it was 
unlikely that the gods would act with an ignorance resembling that of men. For after 
the tribes had given their votes, it would be necessary that the gods, by auspicious 
omens, should sanction the awarding of the kingdom to him; and which of the gods 
or other divinities was going to permit a man who was impure and stained with the 
unjust murder of so many persons to approach the altars, begin the sacrifices, and 
perform the other religious ceremonies? I, then, for these reasons do not attribute the 
catastrophe to the treachery of men, but to the will of Heaven; however, let everyone 
judge as he pleases. 

[3,36] After the death of Tullus Hostilius, the interreges appointed by the senate 
according to ancestral usage chose Marcius, surnamed Ancus, king of the state; and 
when the people had confirmed the decision of the senate and the signs from Heaven 
were favourable, Marcius, after fulfilling all the customary requirements, entered 
upon the government in the second year of the thirty-fifth Olympiad44 (the one in 
which Sphaerus, a Lacedaemonian, gained the prize), at the time when Damasias 
held the annual archonship at Athens. This king, finding that many of the religious 
ceremonies instituted by Numa Pompilius, his maternal grandfather, were (p157) being 
neglected, and seeing the greatest part of the Romans devoted to the pursuit of war 
and gain and no longer cultivating the land as aforetime, assembled the people and 
exhorted them to worship the gods once more as they had done in Numa's reign. He 
pointed out to them that it was owing to their neglect of the gods that not only many 
pestilences had fallen upon the city, by which no small part of the population had 
been destroyed, but also that King Hostilius, who had not shown the proper regard 
for the gods, had suffered for a long time from a complication of bodily ailments and 
at last, no longer sound even in his understanding but weakened in mind as well as in 
body, had come to a pitiable end, both he and his family. He then commended the 
system of government established by Numa for the Romans as excellent and wise and 
one which supplied every citizen with daily plenty from the most lawful 
employments; and he advised them to restore this system once more by applying 
themselves to agriculture and cattle-breeding and to those occupations that were free 
from all injustice, and to scorn rapine and violence and the profits accruing from war. 
 By these and similar appeals he inspired in all a great desire both for peaceful 
tranquillity and for sober industry. After this, he called together the pontiffs, and 
receiving from them the commentaries on religious rites which Pompilius had 
composed, he caused them to be transcribed on tablets and exposed in the Forum for 
everyone to examine. These have since been destroyed by time, for, brazen pillars 
being not yet in use at that time, the laws and the ordinances (p159) concerning religious 
rites were engraved on oaken boards; but after the expulsion of the kings they were 
again copied off for the use of the public by Gaius Papirius, a pontiff, who had the 
superintendence of all religious matters. After Marcius had re-established the 
religious rites which had fallen into abeyance and turned the idle people to their 
proper employments, he commended the careful husbandmen and reprimanded 
those who managed their lands ill as citizens not to be depended on. 

[3,37] While instituting these administrative measures he hoped above all else to pass 
his whole life free from war and troubles, like his grandfather, but he found his 
purpose crossed by fortune and, contrary to his inclinations, was forced to become a 
warrior and to live no part of his life free from danger and turbulence. For at the very 
time that he entered upon the government and was establishing his tranquil rιgime 
the Latins, despising him and looking upon him as incapable of conducting wars 
through want of courage, sent bands of robbers from each of their cities into the parts 
of the Roman territory that lay next to them, in consequence of which many of the 
Romans were suffering injury. And when ambassadors came from the king and 
summoned them to make satisfaction to the Romans according to the treaty, they 
alleged that they neither had any knowledge of the robberies complained of, asserting 
that these had been committed without the general consent of the nation, nor had 
become (p161) accountable to the Romans for anything they did. For they had not made 
the treaty with them, they say, but with Tullus, and by the death of Tullus their treaty 
of peace had been terminated. Marcius, therefore, compelled by these reasons and 
the answers  of the Latins, led out an army against them, and laying siege to the city 
of Politorium, he took it by capitulation before any aid reached the besieged from the 
other Latins. However, he did not treat the inhabitants with any severity, but, 
allowing them to retain their possessions, transferred the whole population to Rome 
and distributed them among the tribes. 

[3,38] The next year, since the Latins had sent settlers to Politorium, which was then 
uninhabited, and were cultivating the lands of the Politorini, Marcius marched 
against them with his army. And when the Latins came outside the walls and drew up 
in order of battle, he defeated them and took the town a second time; and having 
burnt the houses and razed the walls, so the enemy might not again use it as a base of 
operations nor cultivate the land, he led his army home. The next year the Latins 
marched against the city of Medullia, in which there were Roman colonists, and 
besieging it, attacked the walls on (p163) all sides and took it by storm. At the same time 
Marcius took Tellenae, a prominent city of the Latins, after he had overcome the 
inhabitants in a pitched battle and had reduced the place by an assault upon the 
walls; after which he transferred the prisoners to Rome without taking any of their 
possessions from them, and set apart for them a place in the city in which to build 
houses. And when Medullia had been for three years subject to the Latins, he 
recovered it in the fourth year, after defeating the inhabitants in many great battles. 
A little later he captured Ficana, a city which he had already taken two years before by 
capitulation, afterwards transferring all the inhabitants to Rome but doing no other 
harm to the city — a course in which he seemed to have acted with greater clemency 
than prudence. For the Latins sent colonists thither and occupying the land of the 
Ficanenses, they enjoyed its produce themselves; so that Marcius was obliged to lead 
his army a second time against this city and, after making himself master of it with 
great difficulty, to burn the houses and raze the walls. 

[3,39] After this the Latins and Romans fought two pitched battles with large armies. in 
the first, after they had been engaged a considerable time without any seeming 
advantage on either side, they parted, each returning to their own camp. But in the 
later contest the Romans gained the victory and pursued the Latins to their camp. 
After these actions there was no other pitched battle fought between them, (p165) but 
continual incursions were made by both into the neighbouring territory and there 
were all skirmishes between the horse and light-armed foot who patrolled the 
country; in these the victors were generally the Romans, who had their forces in the 
field posted secretly in advantageous strongholds, under the command of Tarquinius 
the Tyrrhenian. About the same time the Fidenates also revolted from the Romans. 
They did not, indeed, openly declare war, but ravaged their country by making raids 
in small numbers and secretly. Against these Marcius led out an army of light troops, 
and before the Fidenates had made the necessary preparations for war he encamped 
near their city. At first they pretended not to know what injuries they had committed 
to draw the Roman army against them, and when the king informed them that he had 
come to punish them for their plundering and ravaging of his territory, they excused 
themselves by alleging that their city was not responsible for these injuries, and asked 
for time in which to make an investigation and to search out the guilty; and they 
consumed many days in doing nothing that should have been done, but rather in 
sending to their allies secretly for assistance and busying themselves with the 
preparing of arms. 

[3,40] Marcius, having learned of their purpose, proceeded to dig mines leading under 
the walls of the city from his own camp; and when the work was finally completed, he 
broke camp and led his army against the city, taking along many (p167) siege-engines 
and scaling-ladders and the other equipment he had prepared for an assault, and 
approaching a different point from that where the walls were undermined. Then, the 
Fidenates had rushed in great numbers to those parts of the city that were being 
stormed, and were stoutly repulsing the assaults, the Romans who had been detailed 
for the purpose opened the mouths of the mines and found themselves within the 
walls; and destroying all who came to meet them, they threw open the gates to the 
besiegers. When many of the Fidenates had been slain in the taking of the town, 
Marcius ordered the rest to deliver up their arms, and made proclamation that all 
should repair to a certain place in the city. Thereupon he caused a few of them who 
had been the authors of the revolt to be scourged and put to death, and having given 
leave to his soldiers to plunder all their houses and left a sufficient garrison there, he 
marched with his army against the Sabines. For these also had failed to abide by the 
terms of the peace which they had made with King Tullus, and making incursions 
into the territory of the Romans, were again laying waste the neighbouring country. 
When Marcius, therefore,learned from spies and deserters the proper time to put his 
plan into execution, while the Sabines were dispersed and plundering the fields, he 
marched in person with the infantry to the enemy's camp, which was weakly guarded, 
and took the ramparts at the first onset; and he (p169) ordered Tarquinius to hasten 
with the cavalry against those who were dispersed in foraging. The Sabines, learning 
that the Roman cavalry was coming against them, left their plunder and the other 
booty they were carrying and driving off, and fled to their camp; and when they 
perceived that this too was in the possession of the infantry, they were at a loss which 
way to turn and endeavoured to reach the woods and mountains. But being pursue by 
the light-armed foot and the horse, the greater part of them were destroyed, though 
some few escaped. And after this misfortune, sending ambassadors once more to 
Rome, they obtained such a peace as they desired. For the war which was still going 
on between the Romans and the Latin cities rendered both a truce and a peace with 
their other foes necessary. 

[3,41] About the fourth year after this war Marcius, the Roman king, leading his own 
army of citizens and sending for as many auxiliaries as he could obtain from his allies, 
marched against the Veientes and laid waste a large part of their country. These had 
been the aggressors the year before by making an incursion into the Roman territory, 
where they seized much property and slew many of the inhabitants. And when the 
Veientes came out against him with a large army and encamped beyond the river 
Tiber, near Fidenae, Marcius set out with his army as rapidly as possible; and being 
superior in cavalry, he (p171) first cut them off from the roads leading into the country, 
and then, forcing them to come to a pitched battle, defeated them and captured their 
camp. Having succeeded in this war also according to his desire, he returned to Rome 
and conducted in honour of the gods the procession in celebration of his victory and 
the customary triumph. The second year after this, the Veientes having again broken 
the truce they had made with Marcius and demanding to get back the salt-works 
which they had surrendered by treaty in the reign of Romulus,  he fought a second 
battle with them, one more important than the first, near the salt-works; and having 
easily won it, he continued from that time forth in undisputed possession of the salt-
works. The prize for valour in this battle also was won by Tarquinius, the 
commander of the horse; and Marcius, looking upon him as the bravest man in the 
whole army, kept honouring him in various ways, among other things making him 
both a patrician and a senator. Marcius also engaged in a war with the Volscians, 
since bands of robbers from this nation too were setting out to plunder the fields of 
the Romans. And marching against them with a large army, he captured much booty; 
then, laying siege to one of their cities called Velitrae, he surrounded it with a ditch 
and palisades and, being master of the open country, prepared to assault the walls. 
But when the elders came out with the emblems of suppliants and not only promised 
to make good the damage they had done, in such manner as the king should 
determine, but also agreed to deliver up the guilty (p173) to be punished, he made a 
truce with them, and, after accepting the satisfaction they freely offered, he concluded 
a treaty of peace and friendship. 

[3,42] Again, some others of the Sabine nation who had not yet felt the Roman power, 
the inhabitants of . . . , a great and prosperous city, without having any grounds of 
complain against the Romans but being driven to envy of their prosperity, which was 
increasing disproportionately, and being a very warlike people, began at first with 
brigandage and the raiding of their fields in small bodies, but afterwards, lured by the 
hope of booty, made war upon them openly and ravaged much of the neighbouring 
territory, inflicting severe damage. But they were not permitted either to carry off 
their booty or themselves to retire unscathed, for the Roman king, hastening to the 
rescue, pitched his camp near theirs and forced them to come to an engagement. 
 A great battle, therefore, was fought and many fell on both sides, but the Romans 
won by reason of their skill and their endurance of toil, virtues to which they had 
been long accustomed, and they proved far superior to the Sabines; and pursuing 
them closely as they fled, dispersed and in disorder, toward their camp, they wrought 
great slaughter. Then, having also captured their camp, which was full of all sorts of 
valuables, and recovered the captives the Sabines had taken in their raids, they 
returned home. These in (p175) brief are the military exploits of this king that have been 
remembered and recorded by the Romans. I shall now mention the achievements of 
his civil administration. 

[3,43] In the first place, he made no small addition to the city by enclosing the hill 
called the Aventine within its walls. This is a hill of moderate height and about 
eighteen stades in circumference, which was then covered with trees of every kind, 
particularly with many beautiful laurels, so that one place on the hill is called 
Lauretum or "Laurel Grove" by the Romans; but the whole is now covered with 
buildings, including, among many others, the temple of Diana. The Aventine is 
separated from another of the hills that are included within the city of Rome, called 
the Palatine Hill (round which was built the first city to be established), by a deep and 
narrow ravine, but in after times the whole hollow between the two hills was filled up. 
Marcius, observing that this hill would serve as a stronghold against the city for any 
army that approached, encompassed it with a wall and ditch and settled here the 
populations that he had transferred from Tellenae and Politorium and the other cities 
he had taken. This is one peace-time achievement recorded of this king that was at 
once splendid and practical; thereby the city was not only enlarged by the addition of 
another city (p177) but also rendered less vulnerable to the attack of a strong enemy 
force. 

[3,44] Another peace-time achievement was of even greater consequence than the one 
just mentioned, as it made the city richer in all the conveniences of life and 
encouraged it to embark upon nobler undertakings. The river Tiber, descending from 
the Apennine mountains and flowing close by Rome, discharges itself upon 
harbourless and exposed shores made by the Tyrrhenian Sea; but this river was of 
small and negligible advantage to Rome because of having at its mouth no trading 
post where the commodities brought in by sea and down the river from the country 
above could be received and exchanged with the merchants. But as it is navigable 
quite up to its source for river boats of considerable seize and as far as Rome itself for 
sea-going ships of great burden, he resolved to build a seaport at its outlet, making 
use of the river's mouth itself for a harbour. For the Tiber broadens greatly where it 
unites with the sea and forms great bays equal to those of the best seaports; and, most 
wonderful of all, its mouth is not blocked by sandbanks piled up by the sea, as 
happens in the case of many even of the large rivers, nor does it by wandering this 
way and that through fens and marshes spend itself before its stream unites with the 
sea, but it is everywhere navigable and discharges itself through its one genuine 
mouth, repelling the surge that comes from the (p179) main, notwithstanding the 
frequency and violence of the west wind on that coast. Accordingly, oared ships 
however large and merchantmen up to three thousand bushels  burden enter at the 
mouth of the river and are rowed and towed up to Rome, while those of a larger size 
ride at anchor off the mouth, where they are unloaded and loaded again by river 
boats. Upon the elbow of land that lies between the river and the sea the king built a 
city and surrounded it with a wall, naming it from its situation Ostia,  or, as we 
should call it, thyra or "portal"; and by this means he made Rome not only an inland 
city but also a seaport, and gave it a taste of the good things from beyond the sea. 

[3,45] He also built a wall round the high hill called the Janiculum, situated on the 
other side of the river Tiber, and stationed there an adequate garrison for the security 
of those who navigated the river; for the Tyrrhenians, being masters of all the country 
on the other side of the river, had been plundering the merchants. He also is said to 
have built the wooden bridge over the Tiber, which was required to be constructed 
without brass or iron, being held together by its beams alone. This bridge they 
preserve to the present day, looking upon it as sacred; and if any part of it gives out 
the pontiffs attend to it, offering certain traditional sacrifices while it is being 
repaired. These are the memorable achievements (p181) of this king during his reign, 
and he handed Rome on to his successors in much better condition than he himself 
had received it. After reigning twenty-four years he died, leaving two sons, one still a 
child in years and the elder just growing a beard. 

[3,46] After the death of Ancus Marcius the senate, being empowered by the people to 
establish whatever form of government they thought fit, again resolved to abide by 
the same form and appointed interreges.  These, having assembled the people for the 
election, chosen Lucius Tarquinius as king; and the omens from Heaven having 
confirmed the decision of the people, Tarquinius took over the sovereignty about the 
second year of the forty-first Olympiad (the one in which Cleondas, a Theban, 
gained the prize), Heniochides being archon at Athens. I shall now relate, following 
the account I have found in the Roman annals, from what sort of ancestors this 
Tarquinius was sprung, from what country he came, the reasons for his removing to 
Rome, and by what course of conduct he came to be king. There was a certain 
Corinthian, Demaratus by name, of the family of the Bacchiadae, who, having chosen 
to engage in commerce, sailed to Italy in a ship of his own with his own cargo; and 
having sold the cargo in the Tyrrhenian cities, which were at the time the most 
flourishing in all Italy, and gained great profit thereby, he (p183) no longer desired to 
put into any other ports, but continued to ply the same sea, carrying a Greek cargo to 
the Tyrrhenians and a Tyrrhenian cargo to Greece, by which means he became 
possessed of great wealth. But when Corinth fell a prey to sedition and the tyranny of 
Cypselus was rising in revolt against the Bacchiadae,  Demaratus thought it was not 
safe for him to live under a tyranny with his great riches, particularly as he was of the 
oligarchic family; and accordingly, getting together all of his substance that he could, 
he sailed away from Corinth. And having from his continual intercourse with the 
Tyrrhenians many good friends among them, particularly at Tarquinii, which was a 
large and flourishing city at that time, he built a house there and married a woman of 
illustrious birth. By her he had two sons, to whom he gave Tyrrhenian names, calling 
one Arruns and the other Lucumo; and having instructed them in both the Greek and 
Tyrrhenian learning, he married them, when they were grown, to two women of the 
most distinguished families. 

[3,47] Not long afterward the elder of his sons died without acknowledged issue, and a 
few days later Demaratus himself died of grief, leaving his surviving son Lucumo heir 
to his entire fortune. Lucumo, having thus inherited (p185) the great wealth of his father, 
had aspired to public life and a part in the administration of the commonwealth and 
to be one of its foremost citizens. But being repulsed on every side by the native-
born citizens and excluded, not only from the first, but even from the middle rank, he 
resented his disfranchisement. And hearing that the Romans gladly received all 
strangers and made them citizens, he resolved to get together all his riches and 
remove thither, taking with him his wife and such of his friends and household as 
wished to go along; and those who were eager to depart with him were many. When 
they were come to the hill called Janiculum, from which Rome is first discerned by 
those who come from Tyrrhenia, an eagle, descending on a sudden, snatched his cap 
from his head and flew up again with it, and rising in a circular flight, hid himself in 
the depths of the circumambient air, then of a sudden replaced the cap on his head, 
fitting it on as it had been before.  This prodigy appearing wonderful and 
extraordinary to them all, the wife of Lucumo, Tanaquil by name, who had a good 
understanding (p187) standing, through her ancestors, of the Tyrrhenians' augural 
science, took him aside from the others and, embracing him, filled him with great 
hopes of rising from his private station to the royal power. She advised him, however, 
to consider by what means he might render himself worthy to receive the sovereignty 
by the free choice of the Romans. 

[3,48] Lucumo was overjoyed at this omen, and as he was now approaching the gates 
have besought the gods that the prediction might be fulfilled and that his arrival 
might be attended with good fortune; then he entered the city. After this, gaining an 
audience with King Marcius, he first informed him who he was and then told him 
that, being desirous of settling at Rome, he had brought with him all his paternal 
fortune, which, as it exceeded the limits suitable for a private citizen, he said he 
proposed to place at the disposal of the king and of the Roman state for the general 
good. And having met with a favourable reception from the king, who assigned him 
and his Tyrrhenian followers to one of the tribes and to one of the curiae, he built a 
house upon a site in the city which was allotted to him as sufficient for the purpose, 
and received a portion of land. After he had settled these matters and had become 
one of the citizens, he was informed that every Roman had a common name and, 
after the common name, another, derived from his family and ancestors, and wishing 
to be like them in this respect also, he took the name of Lucius instead of Lucumo as 
his common name, and that of Tarquinius as his family name, from the city in which 
he had been born and brought up. In a very short time he gained the friendship of 
the king by presenting (p189) him with those things which he saw he needed most and 
by supplying him with all the money he required to carry on his wars. On campaigns 
he fought most bravely of all, whether of the infantry or of the cavalry, and wherever 
there was need of good judgment he was counted among the shrewdest counsellors. 
4Yet the favour of the king did not deprive him of the goodwill of the rest of the 
Romans; for he not only won to himself many of the patricians by his kindly services 
but also gained the affections of the populace by his cordial greetings, his agreeable 
conversation, his dispensing of money and his friendliness in other ways. 

[3,49] This was the character of Tarquinius and for these reasons he became during the 
lifetime of Marcius the most illustrious of all the Romans, and after that king's death 
was adjudged by all as worthy of the kingship. When he had succeeded to the 
sovereignty he first made war upon the people of Apiolae, as it was called, a city of no 
small note among the Latins.  For the Apiolani and all the rest of the Latins, looking 
upon the treaty of peace as having been terminated after the death of Ancus Marcius, 
were laying waste the Roman territory by plundering and pillaging. Tarquinius, 
desiring to take revenge upon them for these injuries, set out with a large force and 
ravaged the most fruitful part of their country;then, when important reinforcements 
came to the Apiolani from their Latin neighbours, he fought two battles with them 
and, having gained the victory in both, proceeded to (p191) besiege the city, causing his 
troops to assault the walls in relays; and the besieged, being but few contending 
against many and not having a moment's respite, were at last subdued. The city being 
taken by storm, the greater part of the Apiolani were slain fighting, but a few after 
delivering up their arms were sold together with the rest of the booty; their wives and 
children were carried away into slavery by the Romans and the city was plundered 
and burned. After the king had done this and had razed the walls to the foundations, 
he returned home with his army. Soon afterwards  he undertook another expedition 
against the city of the Crustumerians. This was a colony of the Latins and in the reign 
of Romulus had submitted to the Romans; but after Tarquinius succeeded to the 
sovereignty it began again to incline on the side of the Latins. However, it was not 
necessary to reduce this place by a siege and great effort; for the Crustumerians, 
having become aware both of the magnitude of the force that was coming against 
them and of their own weakness, since no aid came to them from the rest of the 
Latins, opened their gates; and the oldest and most honoured of the citizens, coming 
out, delivered up the city to Tarquinius, asking only that he treat them with clemency 
and moderation. This fell out according to his wish, and entering the city, he put 
none of the Crustumerians to death and punished only a very few, (p193) who had been 
the authors of the revolt, with perpetual banishment,while permitting all the rest to 
retain their possessions and to enjoy Roman citizenship as before; but, in order to 
prevent any uprising for the future, he left Roman colonists in their midst. 

[3,50] The Nomentans also, having formed the same plans, met with the same fate. For 
they kept sending bands of robbers to pillage the fields of the Romans and openly 
became their enemies, relying upon the assistance of the Latins. But when Tarquinius 
set out against them and the aid from the Latins was too late in arriving, they were 
unable to resist so great a force by themselves, and coming out of the town with the 
tokens of suppliants, they surrendered. The inhabitants of the city called Collatia 
undertook to try the fortune of battle with the Roman forces and for that purpose 
came out of their city; but being worsted in every engagement and having many of 
their men wounded, they were again forced to take refuge inside their walls, and they 
kept sending to the various Latin cities asking for assistance. But as these were too 
slow about relieving them and the enemy was attacking their walls in many places, 
they were at length obliged to deliver up their town. They did not, however, meet 
with the same lenient treatment as had the Nomentans and Crustumerians, for the 
king disarmed them and fined them in a sum of money; and leaving a sufficient 
garrison in the city, he appointed his own nephew, Tarquinius Arruns, to rule over 
them with absolute power for life. This man, who had been born after the death both 
of his father (p195) Arruns and of his grandfather Demaratus, had inherited from 
neither the part of their respective fortunes which otherwise would have fallen to his 
share and for this reason he was surnamed Egerius or "the Indigent"; for that is the 
name the Romans give to poor men and beggars. But from the time when he took 
charge of this city both he himself and all his descendants were given the surname of 
Collatinus. 
After the surrender of Collatia the king marched against the place called 
Corniculum; this also was a city of the Latin race. And having ravaged their territory 
in great security, since none offered to defend it, he encamped close by the city itself 
and invited the inhabitants to enter into a league of friendship. But since they were 
unwilling to come to terms, but relied on the strength of their walls and expected 
allies to come from many directions, he invested the city on all sides and assaulted 
the walls. The Corniculans resisted long and bravely, inflicting numerous losses 
upon the besiegers, but becoming worn out with continual labour and no longer being 
unanimous (for some wished to deliver up the town and others to hold out to the last) 
and their distress being greatly increased by this very dissension, the town was taken 
by storm. The bravest part of the people were slain fighting during the capture of the 
town, while the craven, who owed their preservation to their cowardice, were (p197) 
sold for slaves together with their wives and children; and the city was plundered by 
the conquerors and burned. The Latins, resenting this proceeding, voted to lead a 
joint army against the Romans; and having raised a numerous force, they made an 
irruption into the most fruitful part of their country, carrying off thence many 
captives and possessing themselves of much booty. King Tarquinius marched out 
against them with his light troops who were ready for action, but too late to overtake 
them, he invaded their country and treated it in similar fashion. Many other such 
reverses and successes happened alternately to each side in the expeditions they 
made against one another's borders; and they fought one pitched battle with all their 
forces near the city of Fidenae, in which many fell on both sides though the Romans 
gained the victory and forced the Latins to abandon their camp by night and retire to 
their own cities. 

[3,51] After this engagement Tarquinius led his army in good order to their cities, 
making offers of friendship; and the Latins, since they had no national army 
assembled and no confidence in their own preparations, accepted his proposals. And 
some of them proceeded to surrender their cities, observing that in the case of the 
cities which were taken by storm the inhabitants were made slaves and the cities 
razed, while those which surrendered by capitulation were treated with no other 
severity (p199) than to be obliged to yield obedience to the conquerors. First, then, 
Ficulea, a city of note, submitted to him upon fair terms, then Cameria; and their 
example was followed by some small towns and strong fortresses. But the rest of the 
Latins, becoming alarmed at this and fearing that he would subjugate the whole 
nation, met together in their assembly at Ferentinum and voted, not only to lead out 
their own forces from every city, but also to call the strongest of the neighbouring 
peoples to their aid; and to that end they sent ambassadors to the Tyrrhenians and 
Sabines to ask for assistance. The Sabines promised that as soon as they should hear 
that the Latins had invaded the territory of the Romans they too would take up arms 
and ravage that part of their territory which lay next to them; and the Tyrrhenians 
engaged to send to their assistance whatever forces they themselves should not 
need,66 though not all were of the same mind, but only five cities, namely, Clusium, 
Arretium, Volaterrae, Rusellae, and, in addition to these, Vetulonia. 

[3,52] The Latins, elated by these hopes, got ready a large army of their own forces and 
having added to it the troops from the Tyrrhenians, invaded the Roman territory; and 
at the same time the cities of the Sabine nation which had promise to take part with 
them in the war proceeded to lay waste the country that bordered their own. 
Thereupon the Roman king, who in the meantime had also got (p201) ready a large and 
excellent army, marched in haste against the enemy. But thinking it unsafe to attack 
the Sabines and the Latins at the same time and to divide his forces into two bodies, 
he determined to lead his whole army against the Latins, and encamped near them. 
At first both sides were reluctant to hazard an engagement with all their forces, being 
alarmed at each other's preparations; but the light-armed troops, coming down from 
their entrenchments, engaged in constant skirmishes with one another, generally 
without any advantage on either side. After a time, however, these skirmishes 
produced a spirit of rivalry in both armies and each side supported its own men, at 
first in small numbers, but at last they were all forced to come out of their camps. The 
troops which now engaged, being used to fighting and being nearly equal in numbers, 
both foot and horse, animated by the same warlike ardour, and believing that they 
were running the supreme risk, fought on both sides with noteworthy bravery; and 
they separated, without a decision, when night overtook them. But the different 
feelings of the two sides after the action made it clear which of them had fought better 
than their opponents. For on the next day the Latins stirred no more out of their 
camp, while the Roman king, leading out his troops into the plain, was ready to fight 
another engagement and for a long time kept his lines in battle formation. But when 
the enemy did not come out against him, he took the spoils (p203) from their dead, and 
carrying off his own dead, led his army with great exultation back to his own camp. 

[3,53] The Latins having received fresh aid from the Tyrrhenians during the days that 
followed, a second battle was fought, much greater than the former, in which King 
Tarquinius gained a most signal victory, the credit for which was allowed by all to 
belong to him personally. For when the Roman line was already in distress and its 
close formation was being broken on the left wing, Tarquinius, as soon as he learned 
of this reverse to his forces (for he happened then to be fighting on the right wing), 
wheeling the best troops of horse about and taking along the flower of the foot, led 
them behind his own army and passing by the left wing, advanced even beyond the 
solid ranks of his line of battle. Then, wheeling his troops to the right and all clapping 
spurs to their horses, he charged the Tyrrhenians in flank (for these were fighting on 
the enemy's right wing and had put to flight those who stood opposite to them), and 
by thus appearing to them unexpectedly he caused them great alarm and confusion. 
3In the meantime the Roman foot also, having recovered themselves from their 
earlier fear, advanced against the enemy; and thereupon there followed a great 
slaughter of the Tyrrhenians and the utter rout of their right wing. Tarquinius, having 
ordered the commanders of the infantry to follow in good order and slowly, led the 
cavalry himself at full speed to the enemy's camp; and arriving there ahead of those 
who were endeavouring to save themselves from (p205) the rout, he captured the 
entrenchments at the very first onset. For the troops which had been left there, being 
neither aware as yet of the misfortune that had befallen their own men nor able, by 
reason of the suddenness of the attack, to recognize the cavalry that approached, 
permitted them to enter. After the camp of the Latins had been taken, those of the 
enemy who were retiring thither from the rout of their army, as to a safe retreat, were 
slain by the cavalry, who had possessed themselves of it, while others, endeavouring 
to escape from the camp into the plain, were met by the serried ranks to Roman 
infantry and cut down; but the greater part of them, being crowded by one another 
and trodden under foot, perished on the palisades or in the trenches in the most 
miserable and ignoble manner. Consequently, those who were left alive, finding no 
means of saving themselves, were obliged to surrender to the conquerors. 
5Tarquinius, having taken possession of many prisoners and much booty, sold the 
former and granted the plunder of the camp to the soldiers. 

[3,54] After this success he led his army against the cities of the Latins, in order to 
reduce by battle those who would not voluntarily surrender to him; but he did not 
find it necessary to lay siege to any of them. For all had recourse to supplications and 
prayers, and sending ambassadors to him from the whole nation, they asked him to 
put an end to the war upon such conditions as he himself wished, and delivered up 
their cities to him. The king, becoming master of their cities upon these terms, 
treated them all with the greatest clemency and (p207) moderation; for he neither put 
any of the Latins to death nor forced any into exile, nor laid a fine upon any of them, 
but allowed them to enjoy their lands and to retain their traditional forms of 
government. he did, however, order them to deliver up the deserters and captives to 
the Romans without ransom, to restore to their masters the slaves they had captured 
in their incursions, to repay the money they had taken from the husbandmen, and to 
make good every other damage or loss they had occasioned in their raids. Upon their 
performing these commands they were to be friends and allies of the Romans, doing 
everything that they should command. This was the outcome of the war between the 
Romans and the Latins; and King Tarquinius celebrated the customary triumph for 
his victory in this war. 

[3,55] The following year he led his army against the Sabines, who had long since been 
aware of his purpose and preparations against them. They were unwilling, however, 
to let the war to be brought into their own country, but having got ready an adequate 
force in their turn, they were advancing to meet him. And upon the confines of their 
territory they engaged in a battle which lasted till night, neither army being 
victorious, but both suffering very severely. At all events, during the following days 
neither the Sabine general nor the Roman king led his forces out of their 
entrenchments, but both broke camp and returned home without doing any injury to 
the other's territory. The intention of both was the same, namely, to lead out a new 
and (p209) larger force against the other's country at the beginning of spring. After they 
had made all their preparations, the Sabines first took the field, strengthened with a 
sufficient body of Tyrrhenian auxiliaries, and encamped near Fidenae, at the 
confluence of the Anio and the Tiber rivers. They pitched two camps opposite and 
adjoining each other, the united stream of both rivers running between them, over 
which was built a wooden bridge resting on boats and rafts, thus affording quick 
communication between them and making them one camp. Tarquinius, being 
informed of their irruption, marched out in his turn with the Roman army and 
pitched his camp a little above theirs, near the river Anio, upon a strongly situated 
hill. But though both armies had all the zeal imaginable for the war, no pitched battle, 
either great or small, occurred between them; for Tarquinius by a timely stratagem 
ruined all the plans of the Sabines and gained possession of both their camps. His 
stratagem was this: 

[3,56] He got together boats and rafts on the one side of the two rivers near which he 
himself lay encamped and filled them with dry sticks and brushwood, also with pitch 
and sulphur, and then waiting for a favourable wind, about the time of the morning 
watch he ordered the firewood to be set on fire and the boats and rafts turned adrift 
to drop downstream. These (p211) covered the intervening distance in a very short time, 
and being driven against the bridge, set fire to it in many places. The Sabines, seeing 
a vast flame flare up on a sudden, ran to lend their assistance and tried all means 
possible to extinguish the fire. While they were thus employed Tarquinius arrived 
about dawn, leading the Roman army in order of battle, and attacked one of the 
camps; and since the greater part of the guards had left their posts to run to the fire, 
though some few turned and resisted, he gained possession of it without any trouble. 
 While these things were going on another part of the Roman army came up and took 
the other camp of the Sabines also, which lay on the other side of the river. This 
detachment, having been sent on ahead by Tarquinius about the first watch, had 
crossed in boats and rafts the river formed by the uniting of the two streams, at a 
place where their passage was not likely to be discovered by the Sabines, and had got 
near to the other camp at the same time that they saw the bridge on fire; for this was 
their signal for the attack. Of those who were found in the camps some were slain by 
the Romans while fighting, but any others threw themselves into the confluence of 
the rivers, and being unable to get through the whirlpools, were swallowed up; and 
not a few of them perished in the flames while they were endeavouring to save the 
bridge. Tarquinius, having taken both camps, gave leave to the soldiers to divide 
among themselves the booty that was found in them; but the prisoners, who were 
very numerous, (p213) not only of the Sabines themselves but also of the Tyrrhenians, he 
carried to Rome, where he kept them under strict guard. 

[3,57] The Sabines, subdued by this calamity, grew sensible of their own weakness, and 
sending ambassadors, concluded a truce from the war for six years. But the 
Tyrrhenians, angered not only because they had been often defeated by the Romans, 
but also because Tarquinius had refused to restore to them the prisoners he held 
when they sent an embassy to demand them, but retained them as hostages, passed a 
vote that all the Tyrrhenian cities should carry on the war jointly against the Romans 
and that any city refusing to take part in the expedition should be excluded from their 
league. After passing this vote they led out their forces and, crossing the Tiber, 
encamped near Fidenae. And having gained possession of that city by treachery, there 
being a sedition among the inhabitants, and having taken a great many prisoners and 
carried off much booty from the Roman territory, they returned home, leaving a 
sufficient garrison in Fidenae; for they thought this city would be an excellent base 
from which to carry on the war against the Romans. But King Tarquinius, having for 
the ensuing year armed all the Romans and taken as many troops as he could get 
from his allies, led them out against the enemy at the beginning of spring, before the 
Tyrrhenians could be assembled from all their cities and march against him as they 
had done before. Then, having divided his whole army into two parts, he put himself 
at the head of the Roman (p215) troops and led them against the cities of the 
Tyrrhenians, while he gave the command of the allies, consisting chiefly of the Latins, 
to Egerius, his kinsman, and ordered him to march against the enemy in Fidenae. 
 This force of allies, through contempt of the enemy, placed their camp in an unsafe 
position near Fidenae and barely missed being totally destroyed; for the garrison in 
the town, having secretly sent for fresh aid from the Tyrrhenians and watched for a 
suitable occasion, sallied forth from the town and captured the enemy's camp at the 
first onset, as it was carelessly guarded, and slew many of those who had gone out for 
forage. But the army of Romans, commanded by Tarquinius, laid waste and ravaged 
the country of the Veientes and carried off much booty, and when numerous 
reinforcements assembled from all the Tyrrhenian cities to aid the Veientes, the 
Romans engaged them in battle and gained an incontestable victory. after this they 
marched through the enemy's country, plundering it with impunity; and having taken 
many prisoners and much booty — for it was prosperous country — they returned 
home when the summer was now ending. 

[3,58] The Veientes, therefore, having suffered greatly from that battle, stirred no more 
out of their city but suffered their country to be laid waste before their eyes. King 
Tarquinius made three incursions into their territory and for a period of three years 
deprived them of the produce of their land; but when he had laid waste the greater 
part of their (p217) country and was unable to do any further damage to it, he led his 
army against the city of the Caeretani, which earlier had been called Agylla while it 
was inhabited by the Pelasgians but after falling under the power of the Tyrrhenians 
had been renamed Caere,68 and was as flourishing and populous as any city in 
Tyrrhenia. From this city a large army marched out to defend the country; but after 
destroying many of the enemy and losing still more of their own men they fled back 
into the city. The Romans, being masters of their country, which afforded them plenty 
of everything, continued there many days, and when it was time to depart they 
carried away all the booty they could and returned home. Tarquinius, now that his 
expedition against the Veientes had succeeded according to his desire, led out his 
army against the enemies in Fidenae, wishing to drive out the garrison that was there 
and at the same time being anxious to punish those who had handed over the walls to 
the Tyrrhenians. Accordingly, not only a pitched battle took place between the 
Romans and those who sallied out of the city, but also sharp fighting in the attacks 
that were made upon the walls. At any rate, the city was taken by storm, and the 
garrison, together with the rest of the Tyrrhenian prisoners, were kept in chains 
under a guard. As for those of the Fidenates who appeared to have been the authors 
of the revolt, some were scourged and beheaded in public and others were 
condemned to perpetual banishment; and their (p219) possessions were distributed by 
lot among those Romans who were left both as colonists and as a garrison for the city. 

[3,59] The last battle between the Romans and Tyrrhenians was fought near the city of 
Eretum in the territory of the Sabines. For the Tyrrhenians had been prevailed on by 
the influential men there to march through that country on their expedition against 
the Romans, on the assurance that the Sabines would join them in the campaign; for 
the six-years' truce, looking to peace, which the Sabines had made with Tarquinius, 
had already expired, and many of them longed to retrieve their former defeats, now 
that a sufficient body of youths had grown up in the meantime in their cities. But 
their attempt did not succeed according to their desire, the Roman army appearing 
too soon, nor was it possible for aid to be sent publicly to the Tyrrhenians from any of 
the Sabine cities; but a few went to their assistance of their own accord, attracted by 
the liberal pay. This battle, the greatest of any that had yet taken place between the 
two nations, gave a wonderful increase to the power of the Romans, who were gained 
a most glorious victory, for which both the senate and people decreed a triumph to 
King Tarquinius. But it broke the spirits of the Tyrrhenians, who, after sending out all 
the forces from every city to the struggle, received back in safety only a few out of all 
that great number. For some of them were cut down while fighting in the battle, and 
others, having in the route found themselves in rough country from (p221) which they 
could not extricate themselves, surrendered to the conquerors. The leading men of 
their cities, therefore, having met with so great a calamity, acted as became prudent 
men. For when King Tarquinius led another army against them, they met in a general 
assembly and voted to treat with him about ending the war; and they sent to him the 
oldest and most honoured men from each city, giving them full powers to settle the 
terms of peace. 

[3,60] The king, after he had heard the many arguments they advanced to move him to 
clemency and moderation and had been reminded of his kinship to their nation, 
whether they still contended for equal rights and were come to make peace upon 
certain conditions, or acknowledged themselves to be vanquished and were ready to 
deliver up their cities to him. Upon their replying that they were not only delivering 
up their cities to him but should also be satisfied with a peace upon any fair terms 
they could get, he was greatly pleased at this and said:"Hear now upon what fair 
terms I will put an end to the war and what favours I am granting you. I am not eager 
either to put any of the Tyrrhenians to death or to banish any from their country or to 
punish any with the loss of their possessions. I impose no garrisons or tributes upon 
any of your cities, but permit each of them to enjoy its own laws and its ancient form 
of government. But in granting you this I think I ought to obtain one thing from you 
(p223) in return for all that I am giving, and that is the sovereignty over your cities — 
something that I shall possess even against your will as long as I am more powerful in 
arms, though I prefer to obtain it with your consent rather than without it. Inform 
your cities of this, and I promise to grant you an armistice till you return. 

[3,61] The ambassadors, having received this answer, departed, and after a few days 
returned, not merely with words alone, but bringing the insignia of sovereignty with 
which they used to decorate their own kings. These were a crown of gold, an ivory 
throne, a sceptre with an eagle perched on its head, a purple tunic decorated with 
gold, and an embroidered purple robe like those the kings of Lydia and Persia used to 
wear, except that it was not rectangular in shape like theirs, but semicircular. 69 This 
kind of robe is called toga by the Romans and tκbenna70 by the Greeks; but I do not 
know where the Greeks learned the name, for it does not seem to me to be a Greek 
word. And according to some historians they also brought to Tarquinius the twelve 
axes, taking one from each city. For it seems to have been a Tyrrhenian custom for 
each king of the several cities to be preceded by a lictor bearing an axe together with 
the bundle of rods, and whenever the twelve cities undertook any joint military 
expedition, for the twelve axes to be handed over to the one man who (p225) was 
invested with absolute power. However, not all the authorities agree with those who 
express this opinion, but some maintain that even before the reign of Tarquinius 
twelve axes were carried before the kings of Rome and that Romulus instituted this 
custom as soon as he received the sovereignty. But there is nothing to prevent our 
believing that the Tyrrhenians were the authors of this practice, that Romulus 
adopted its use from them, and that the twelve axes also were brought to Tarquinius 
together with the other royal ornaments, just as the Romans even to-day give sceptres 
and diadems to kings in confirmation of their power; since, even without receiving 
those ornaments from the Romans, these kings make use of them. 

[3,62] Tarquinius, however, did not avail himself of these honours as soon as he 
received them, according to most of the Roman historians, but left it to the senate 
and people to decide whether he should accept them or not; and when they 
unanimously approved, he then accepted them and from that time till he died always 
wore a crown of gold and an embroidered purple robe and sat on a throne of ivory 
holding an ivory sceptre in his hand, and the twelve lictors, bearing the axes and rods, 
attended him when he sat in judgment and preceded him when he went abroad. All 
these ornaments were retained by the kings who succeeded him, and, after the 
expulsion of the kings, by the annual consuls — all except the crown and the 
embroidered robe; these alone were (p227) taken from them, being looked upon as 
vulgar and invidious. Yet whenever they return victorious from a war and are 
honoured with a triumph by the senate, they then not only wear gold  but are also 
clad in embroidered purple robes. This, then, was the outcome of the war between 
Tarquinius and the Tyrrhenians after it had lasted nine years. 

[3,63] Since there now remained as a rival to the Romans for the supremacy only the 
Sabine race, which not only possessed warlike men but also inhabited a large and 
fertile country lying not far from Rome, Tarquinius was extremely desirous of 
subduing these also and declared war against them. He complained that their cities 
had refused to deliver up those who had promised the Tyrrhenians that if they 
entered their country with an army they would make their cities friendly to them and 
hostile to the Romans. The Sabines not only cheerfully accepted the war, being 
unwilling to be deprived of the most influential of their citizens, but also, before the 
Roman army could come against them, they themselves invaded the others' territory. 
As soon as King Tarquinius heard that the Sabines had crossed the river Anio and 
that all the country round their camp was being laid waste, he took with him such of 
the Roman youth as were most lightly equipped, and led them with all possible speed 
against those of the enemy who were dispersed in foraging. Then, having slain many 
of them and taken away all the booty which they were driving off, he pitched his camp 
near theirs; and after remaining quiet there for a few days till not only the remainder 
of his army (p229) from Rome had reached him but the auxiliary forces also from his 
allies had assembled, he descended into the plain ready to give battle. 

[3,64] When the Sabines saw the Romans eagerly advancing to the combat, they also 
led out their forces, which were not inferior to the enemy either in numbers or in 
courage, and engaging, they fought with all possible bravery, so long as they had to 
contend only with those who were arrayed opposite them. Then, learning that 
another hostile army was advancing in their rear in orderly battle formation, they 
deserted their standards and turned to flight. The troops that appeared behind the 
Sabines were chosen men of the Romans, both horse and foot, whom Tarquinius had 
placed in ambush in suitable positions during the night. The unexpected appearance 
of these troops struck such terror into the Sabines that they displayed no further deed 
of bravery, but, feeling that they had been outmanoeuvred by the enemy and 
overwhelmed by an irresistible calamity, they endeavoured to save themselves, some 
in one direction and some in another; and it was in this route that the greatest 
slaughter occurred among them, while the were being pursued by the Roman horse 
and surrounded on all sides. Consequently, those of their number who escaped to the 
nearest cities were very few and the greater part of those who were not slain in the 
battle fell into the hands of the Romans. Indeed, not even the forces that were left in 
the camp had the courage to repulse the assault of the enemy or to hazard an 
engagement, but, terrified by their unexpected (p231) misfortune, surrendered both 
themselves and their entrenchments without striking a blow. The Sabine cities, 
feeling that they had been outmanoeuvred and deprived of the victory by their foes, 
not by valour but by deceit, were preparing to send out again a more numerous army 
and a more experienced commander. But Tarquinius, being informed of their 
intention, hastily collected his army, and before the enemy's forces were all 
assembled, forestalled them by crossing the river Anio. Upon learning of this the 
Sabine general marched out with his newly raised army as speedily as possible and 
encamped near the Romans upon a high and steep hill; however, he judged it 
inadvisable to engage in battle till he was joined by the rest of the Sabine forces, but 
by continually sending some of the cavalry against the enemy's foragers and placing 
ambuscades in the woods and glades he barred the Romans from the roads leading 
into his country. 

[3,65] While the Sabine general was conducting the war in this manner many 
skirmishes took place between small parties both of the light-armed foot and the 
horse, but no general action between all the forces. the time being thus protracted, 
Tarquinius was angered at the delay and resolved to lead his army against the 
enemy's camp; and he attacked it repeatedly. Then, finding that it could not easily be 
taken by forcible means, because of its strength, he determined to reduce those 
within by famine; and by building forts upon all the roads that led to the camp (p233) 
and hindering them from going out to get wood for themselves and forage for their 
horses and from procuring many other necessities from the country, he reduced them 
to so great a shortage of everything that they were obliged to take advantage of a 
stormy night of rain and wind and flee from their camp in a shameful manner, 
leaving behind them their beasts of burden, their tents, their wounded, and all their 
warlike stores. The next day the Romans, learning of their departure, took 
possession of their camp without opposition and after seizing the tents, the beasts of 
burden, and the personal effects, returned to Rome with the prisoners. this war 
continued to be waged for five years in succession, and in its course both sides 
continually plundered one another's country and engaged in many battles, some of 
lesser and some of greater importance, the advantage occasionally resting with the 
Sabines but usually with the Romans; in the last battle, however, the war came to a 
definite end. The Sabines, it seems, did not as before go forth to war in successive 
bands, but all who were any other an age to bear arms went out together; and all the 
Romans, with the forces of the Latins, the Tyrrhenians and the rest of their allies, 
were advancing to meet the enemy. The Sabine general, dividing his forces, formed 
two camps, while the Roman king made three divisions of his troops and pitched 
three camps not far apart. He commanded the Roman (p235) contingent himself and 
made his nephew Arruns leader of the Tyrrhenian auxiliaries,while over the Latins 
and the other allies he placed a man who was valiant in warfare and of most 
competent judgment, but a foreigner without a country. This man's first name was 
Servius and his family name Tullius; it was he whom the Romans, after the death of 
Lucius Tarquinius without male issue, permitted to rule the state, since they admired 
him for his abilities in both peace and war. But I shall give an account of this man's 
birth, education and fortunes and of the divine manifestation made with regard to 
him when I come to that part of my narrative.  

[3,66] On this occasion, then, when both armies had made the necessary preparations 
for the struggle, they engaged; the Romans were posted on the left wing, the 
Tyrrhenians on the right, and the Latins in the centre of the line. After a hard battle 
that lasted the whole day the Romans were far superior; and having slain many of the 
enemy, who had acquitted themselves as brave men, and having taken many more of 
them prisoners in the rout, they possessed themselves of both Sabine camps, where 
they seized a rich store of booty. And now being masters of all the open country 
without fear of opposition, they laid it waste with fire and sword and every kind of 
injury; but as the summer drew to an end, they broke camp and returned home. And 
King Tarquinius in honour of this victory triumphed for the third time during his own 
reign. The following year, when he was preparing to lead (p237) his army once more 
against the cities of the Sabines and had determined to reduce them by siege, there 
was not one of those cities that any longer took any brave or vigorous resolution, but 
all unanimously determined, before incurring the risk of slavery for themselves and 
the razing of their cities, to put an end to the war. And the most important men 
among the Sabines came from every city to King Tarquinius, who had already taken 
the field with all his forces, to deliver up their walled cities to him and to beg him to 
make reasonable terms. Tarquinius gladly accepted this submission of the nation, 
unattended as it was by any hazards, and made a treaty of peace and friendship with 
them upon the same conditions upon which he had earlier received the submission of 
the Tyrrhenians; and he restored their captives to them without ransom. 

[3,67] These are the military achievements of Tarquinius which are recorded; those that 
relate to peace and to the civil administration (for these too I do not wish to pass over 
without mention) are as follows: As soon as he had assumed the sovereignty, being 
anxious to gain the affections of the common people, after the example of his 
predecessors, he won them over by such services as these: He chose a hundred 
persons out of the whole body of the plebeians who were acknowledged by all to be 
possessed of some warlike prowess or political sagacity, and having made them 
patricians, he enrolled them among the senators; and then for the first time the 
Romans had three hundred senators, instead of two hundred, (p239) as previously. 
 Next, he added to the four holy virgins who had the custody of the perpetual fire two 
others; for the sacrifices performed on behalf of the state at which these priestesses of 
Vesta were required to be present being now increased, the four were not thought 
sufficient. The example of Tarquinius was followed by the rest of the kings and to this 
day six priestesses of Vesta are appointed. He seems also to have first devised the 
punishments which are inflicted by the pontiffs on those Vestals who do not preserve 
their chastity, being moved to do so either by his own judgment or, as some believe, 
in obedience to a dream; and these punishments, according to the interpreters of 
religious rites, were found after his death among the Sibylline oracles. For in his reign 
a priestess named Pinaria, the daughter of Publius, was discovered to be approaching 
the sacrifices in a state of unchastity. The manner of punishing the Vestals who have 
been debauched has been described by me in the preceding Book. 74Tarquinius also 
adorned the Forum, where justice is administered, the assemblies of the people held, 
and other civil matters transacted, by surrounding it with shops and porticos.   And 
he was the first to build the walls of the city, which previously had been of temporary 
and careless construction, with huge76 stones regularly squared.  He also began the 
digging of the sewers, through which a the water that collects from the streets is 
conveyed into the Tiber — a wonderful work exceeding all (p241) description.   Indeed, 
in my opinion the three most magnificent works of Rome, in which the greatness of 
her empire is best seen, are the aqueducts, the paved roads and the construction of 
the sewers. I say this with respect not only to the usefulness of the work (concerning 
which I shall speak in the proper place), but also to the magnitude of the cost, of 
which one may judge by a single circumstance, if one takes as his authority Gaius 
Acilius,  who says that once, when the sewers had been neglected and were no longer 
passable for the water, the censors let out the cleaning and repairing of them at a 
thousand talents. 

[3,68] Tarquinius also built the Circus Maximus, which lies between the Aventine 
and Palatine Hills, and was the first to erect covered seats round it on scaffolding (for 
till then the spectators had stood), the wooden stands being supported by beams. And 
dividing the places among the thirty curiae, he assigned to each curia a particular 
section, so that every spectator was seated in his proper place. This work also was 
destined to become in time one of the most beautiful and most admirable structures 
in Rome.   For the Circus is three stades and a half in length and four plethra in 
breadth.   Round about (p243) it on the two longer sides and one of the shorter sides a 
canal has been dug, ten feet in depth and width, to receive water.   Behind the canal 
are erected porticos three stories high, of which the lowest story has stone seats, 
gradually rising, as in the theatres, one above the other, and the two upper stories 
wooden seats. The two longer porticos are united into one and joined together by 
means of the shorter one, which is crescent-shaped, so that all three form a single 
portico like an amphitheatre,  eight stades in circuit and capable of holding 
150,000 persons. The other of the shorter sides is left uncovered and contains vaulted 
starting-places for the horses, which are all opened by means of a single rope. 86On 
the outside of the Circus there is another portico of one story which has shops in it 
and habitations over them. In this portico there are entrances and ascents for the 
spectators at every shop, so that the countless thousands of people may enter and 
depart without inconvenience. 

[3,69] This king also undertook to construct the temple to Jupiter, Juno and Minerva, 
in fulfilment of the vow he had made to these gods in his last battle (p245) against the 
Sabines. Having, therefore, surrounded the hill on which he proposed to build the 
temple with high retaining walls in many places, since it required much preparation 
(for it was neither easy of access nor level, but steep, and terminated in a sharp peak), 
he filled in the space between the retaining walls and the summit with great 
quantities of earth and, by levelling it, made the place most suitable for receiving 
temples. But he was prevented by death from laying the foundations of the temple; 
for he lived but four years after the end of the war. Many years later, however, 
Tarquinius, the second88 king after him, the one who was driven from the throne, laid 
the founds of this structure and built the greater part of it. Yet even he did not 
complete the work, but it was finished under the annual magistrates who were 
consuls in the third year after his expulsion. 
 It is fitting to relate also the incidents that preceded the building of it as they have 
been handed down by all the compilers of Roman history.   When Tarquinius was 
preparing to build the temple he called the augurs together and ordered them first to 
consult the auspices concerning the site itself, in order to learn what place in the city 
was the most suitable to be consecrated and the most acceptable to the gods 
themselves;and upon their indicating the hill that commands the Forum, which was 
then called the Tarpeian, but now the Capitoline Hill, he ordered them to consult the 
auspices once more and declare in what (p247) part of the hill the foundations must be 
laid. But this was not at all easy; for there were upon the hill many altars both of the 
gods and of the lesser divinities not far apart from one another, which would have to 
be moved to some other place and the whole area given up to the sanctuary that was 
to be built to the gods. The augurs thought proper to consult the auspices concerning 
each one of the altars that were erected there, and if the gods were willing to 
withdraw, then to move them elsewhere. The rest of the gods and lesser divinities, 
then, gave them leave to move their altars elsewhere, but Terminus and Juventas, 
although the augurs besought them with great earnestness and importunity, could 
not be prevailed on and refused to leave their places. Accordingly, their altars were 
included within the circuit of the temples,  and one of them now stands in the 
vestibule of Minerva's shrine and the other in the shrine itself near the statue  of the 
goddess. From this circumstance the augurs concluded that no occasion would ever 
cause the removal of the boundaries of the Romans' city or impair its vigour; and 
both have proved true down to my day, which is already the twenty-fourth 
generation.   

[3,70] (p249) The most celebrated of the augurs, the one who changed the position of the 
altars and marked out the area for temple of Jupiter and in other things foretold the 
will of the gods to the people by his prophetic art, had for his common and first name 
Nevius,  and for his family name Attius; and he is conceded to have been the most 
favoured by the gods of all the experts in his profession and to have gained the 
greatest reputation by it, having displayed some extraordinary and incredible 
instances of his augural skill. Of these I shall give one, which I have selected because 
it has seemed the most wonderful to me; but first I shall relate from what chance he 
got his start and by what opportunities vouchsafed to him by the gods he attained to 
such distinction as to make all the other augurs of his day appear negligible in 
comparison. His father was a poor man who cultivated a cheap plot of ground, and 
Nevius, as a boy, assisted him in such tasks as his years could bear; among his other 
employments he used to drive the swine out to pasture and tend them. One day he fell 
asleep, and upon waking missed some of the swine. At first he wept, dreading the 
blows his father would give him; then, going to the chapel of some heroes  that had 
been built on the farm, he besought them to assist him in finding his swine, 
promising that if they did so he would offer up to them the largest cluster of grapes on 
the farm. And having found the swine shortly afterwards, he wished to (p251) perform 
his vow to the heroes, but found himself in great perplexity, being unable to discover 
the largest cluster of grapes. In his anxiety over the matter he prayed to the gods to 
reveal to him by omens what he sought. Then by a divine inspiration he divided the 
vineyard into two parts, taking one on his right hand and the other on his left, after 
which he observed the omens that showed over each; and when there appeared in one 
of them such birds as he desired, he again ddvid that into two parts and distinguished 
in the same manner the birds that came to it. having continued this method of 
dividing the places and coming up to the last vine that was pointed out by the birds, 
he found an incredibly huge cluster. As he was carrying it to the chapel of the heroes 
he was observed by his father;and when the latter marvelled at the size of the cluster 
and inquired where he had got it, the boy informed him of the whole matter from the 
beginning. His father concluded, as was indeed the case, that there were some innate 
rudiments of the art of divination in the boy, and taking him to the city, he put him in 
the hands of elementary teachers; then, after he had acquired sufficient general 
learning, he placed him under the most celebrated master among the Tyrrhenians to 
learn the augural art. Thus Nevius, who possessed an innate skill of divination and 
had now added to it the knowledge acquired from the Tyrrhenians, naturally far 
surpassed, as I said, all the other augurs. And the augurs in the city, even though he 
was not of their college, used to invite him to their public consultations because of 
(p253) the success of his predictions, and they foretold nothing without his approval. 

[3,71] This Nevius,  when Tarquinius once desired to create three new tribes out of the 
knights he had previously enrolled, and to give his own name and the names of his 
personal friends to these additional tribes, alone violently opposed it and would not 
allow any of the institutions of Romulus to be altered. The king, resenting this 
opposition and being angry with Nevius, endeavoured to bring his science to nought 
and show him up as a charlatan who did not speak a word of truth. With this purpose 
in indicate he summoned Nevius before the tribunal when a large crowd was present 
in the Forum; and having first informed those about him in what manner he expected 
to show the augur to be a false prophet, he received Nevius upon his arrival with 
friendly greetings and said: "Now is the time, Nevius, for you to display the accuracy 
of your prophetic science. For I have in mind to undertake a great project, and I wish 
to know whether it is possible. Go, therefore, take the auspices and return speedily. 
I will sit here and wait for you."The augur did as he was ordered, and returning soon 
after, said he had obtained favourable omens and declared the undertaking to be 
possible. But Tarquinius laughed at his words, and taking out a razor and a whetstone 
from his bosom, said to him: "Now you are convicted, Nevius, of imposing on us and 
openly lying about the will of the gods, since you have dared to affirm that even 
impossible things are possible. I wanted (p255) to know from the auspices whether if 
I strike the whetstone with this razor I shall be able to cut it in halves."At this, 
laughter arose from all who stood round the tribunal; but Nevius, nothing daunted by 
their raillery and clamour, said: "Strike the whetstone confidently, as you propose, 
Tarquinius. For it will be cut asunder, or I am ready to submit to any punishment." 
The king, surprised at the confidence of the augur, struck the razor against the 
whetstone, and the edge of the steel, making its way quite through the stone, not only 
cut the whetstone asunder but also cut off a part of the hand that held it. All the 
others who beheld this wonderful and incredible feat cried out in their astonishment; 
and Tarquinius, ashamed of having made this trial of the man's skill and desiring to 
atone for his unseemly reproaches, resolved to win back the goodwill of Nevius 
himself, seeing in him one favoured above all men by the gods. Among many other 
instances of kindness by which he won him over, he caused a bronze statue of him to 
be made and set up in the Forum to perpetuate his memory with posterity. This 
statue still remained down to my time, standing in front of the senate-house near the 
sacred fig-tree; it was shorter than a man of average stature and the head was covered 
with the mantle. At a small distance from the statue both the whetstone and the razor 
are said to be buried in the earth under a certain altar. The place is called a well  by 
the (p257) Romans. Such then, is the account given of this augur. 

[3,72] King Tarquinius,8 being now obliged to desist from warlike activities by reason 
of old age (for he was eighty years old), lost his life by the treachery of the sons of 
Ancus Marcius. They had endeavoured even before this to dethrone him, indeed had 
frequently made the attempt, in the hope that when he had been removed the royal 
power would devolve upon them; for they looked upon it as theirs by inheritance 
from their father and supposed that it would very readily be granted to them by the 
citizens. When they failed in their expectation, they formed against him a plot from 
which there would be no escape; but Heaven did not allow it to go unpunished. I shall 
now relate the nature of their plot, beginning with their first attempt. Nevius, that 
skilful augur who, as I said, once opposed the king when he wished to increase the 
number of the tribes, had, at the very time when he was enjoying the greatest repute 
for his art and exceeded all the Romans in power, suddenly disappeared, either 
through the envy of some rival in his own profession or through the plotting of 
enemies or some other mischance, and one of his relations could either guess his fate 
or find his body. And while the people were grieving over and resenting the calamity 
and entertaining many suspicions against many persons, the sons of Marcius, 
observing this impulse on the (p259) part of the multitude, endeavoured to put the 
blame for the pollution upon King Tarquinius, though they had no proof or evidence 
to offer in support of their accusation, but relied upon these two specious arguments: 
first, that the king, having resolved to make many unlawful innovations in the 
constitution, wished to get rid of the man who was sure to oppose him again as he 
had done on the former occasions, and second, that, when a dreadful calamity had 
occurred, he had caused no search to be made for the perpetrators, but had neglected 
the matter — a thing, they said, which no innocent man would have done. And 
having gathered about them strong bands of partisans, both patricians and plebeians, 
upon whom they had lavished their fortunes, they made many accusations against 
Tarquinius and exhorted the people not to permit a polluted person to lay hands on 
the sacrifices and defile the royal dignity, especially one who was not a Roman, but 
some newcomer and a man without a country. By delivering such harangues in the 
Forum these men, who were bold and not lacking in eloquence, inflamed the minds of 
many of the plebeians, and these, when Tarquinius came into the Forum to offer his 
defence, endeavoured to drive him out as an impure person. However, they were not 
strong enough to prevail over the truth or to persuade the people to depose him from 
power. And after both Tarquinius himself had Middle Ages powerful defence and 
refuted the calumny against him, and his son-in-law Tullius, to whom he had given 
one of his two daughters in marriage and who had (p261) the greatest influence with the 
people, had stirred the Romans to compassion, the accusers were looked upon as 
slanderers and wicked en, and they left the Forum in great disgrace. 

[3,73] Having failed in this attempt and having, with the aid of their friends, found 
reconciliation with Tarquinius, who bore their folly with moderation because of the 
favours he had received from their father, and looked upon their repentance as 
sufficient to correct their rashness, they continued for three years in this pretence of 
friendship; but as soon as they thought they had a favourable opportunity, they 
contrived the following treacherous plot against him: They dressed up two youths, 
the boldest of their accomplices, and arming them with billhooks, sent them to the 
king's house at midday, after instructing them what they were to say and do and 
showing them in what manner they were to make their attack. these youths, upon 
approaching the palace, fell to abusing each other, as if they had received some 
injury, and even proceeded to blows, while both with a loud voice implored the king's 
assistance; and many of their accomplices, ostensibly rustics, were present, taking 
part with one or the other of them in his grievance and giving testimony in his favour. 
 When the king ordered them to be brought before him and commanded them to 
inform him of the subject of their quarrel, they pretended their dispute was about 
some goats, and both of them bawling at the same (p263) time and gesticulating 
passionately, after the manner of rustics, without saying anything to the purpose, 
they provoked much laughter on the part of all. And when they thought that the 
derision which they were exciting offered the proper moment for putting their design 
into execution, they wounded the king on the head with their billhooks, after which 
they endeavoured to escape out of doors. But when an outcry was raised at this 
calamity and assistance to escape and were seized by those who had pursued them; 
and later, after being put to the torture and forced to name the authors of the 
conspiracy, they at length met with the punishment they deserved.